4ARVARD LASSIC THEFIVE-FOO IHELFOFBOOK, yCNElD VIRGIL I COLLIER BiSl QQQQ BQiai EWi QBSS m THE HARVARD CLASSICS The Five-Foot Shelf of Books I • "Thus, weeping while he spoke, , he took his way, ^here, «^^< in death, lamented Pallas lay" THE HARVARD CLASSICS EDITED BY CHARLES W. ELIOT, LL.D. Virgil's iEneid TRANSLATED BY JOHN DRYDEN W//A Introductions and Notes Volume 13 P. F. Collier & Son Corporation NEW YORK Copyright, 1909 By p. F. Collier & Son uanufactukkd in u. s. a. CONTENTS riWSE Dedication 5 The First Book of the ^neis 73 The Second Book of the ^neis lOO The Third Book of the JEns.is 128 The Fourth Book of the ^Eneis 152 The Fifth Book of the ^neis 178 The Sixth Book of the ^neis 207 The Seventh Book of the ^Eneis 239 The Eighth Book of the jEneis 268 The Ninth Book of the ^Eneis 293 The Tenth Book of the /Eneis 321 The Eleventh Book of the ^Eneis 355 The Twelfth Book of the /Eneis 389 Postscript to the Reader 4^ INTRODUCTORY NOTE PuBuus Vercilius Maro, the friend of Augustus and the great repre- sentative poet of the first age of the Roman Empire, was a man of humble origin. Born Oct. 15, B. C. 70, the son of a small farmer near Mantua in Northern Italy, he was educated at Cremona, Milan, and Rome. Probably as a result of the turmoil of the Civil Wars, Virgil seems to have returned to his native district, where he was engaged for some time in writing his "Eclogues." Though he was never a soldier, and though there is no evidence of his having taken any part in politics, he suffered severely from the results of the wars. His father's farm lay within the territory which was confiscated by the Triumvirs for the purpose of bestowing grants of land upon their soldiers, and Virgil succeeded in having it restored only through the personal intervention of Octavianus, the future emperor. But a change of governors deprived him of protection, and he was forced to desert his heritage in f)eril of death, escaping only by swimming the river Mincio. The rest of his life was spent farther south, in Rome, Naples, Sicily, and elsewhere. As he gained reputation he became the possessor of a large fortune, bestowed upon him by the generosity of friends and patrons, the most distinguished of whom, apart from Augustus, was Msecenas, the center of the literary society of the day. The "Eclogues" had been finished in B. C. 37, and in B. C. 30 he published his great p)ocm on farming, the "Georgics." It is character- istic of his laborious method of composition that this work of little more than 2,000 lines occupied him for seven years. The completion of the "Georgics" established Virgil's position as the chief poet of his time; and at this momentous date, when, the Civil Wars over, the victorious Augustus was laying the foundations of imperial government, the f)oem which was to be the supreme expression of the national life was begun. At the end of eleven years Virgil had written the whole of the "/Eneid," and planned to devote three more to its final revision. But this revision was never accomplished, for returning from Athens with Augustus in B. C. 19, he was seized with illness and died on September 21. He was buried at Naples, where his tomb was long a place of religious pilgrimage. The modern appreciation of the "Iliad" and the "Odyssey" has tended to carry with it a depreciation of the "JEne'id" the spirit of which appeals less forcibly to the taste of our time. But it is foolish to lose sight of the splendor of a poet who, for nearly two thousand years, has been one of 4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE the most powerful factors in Europiean culture. "The concurrent testi- mony of the most refined minds of all times," says one of the finest of his critics, "marks him out as one of the greatest masters of the language which touches the heart or moves the manlier sensibilities, who has ever lived. A mature and mellow truth of sentiment, a conformity to the deeper experiences of life in every age, a fine humanity as well as a generous elevation of feeling, and some magical charm of music in his words, have enabled them to serve many minds in many ages as a symbol of some swelling thought or overmastering emotion, the force and meaning of which they could scarcely define to themselves." The subtler elements of the exquisite style of Virgil no translator can ever hope to reproduce; but Dryden was a master of English versification, and the content of Virgil's epic is here rendered in vigorous and nervous couplets. "Despite many revolutions of public taste," says Professor Noyes, Dryden's latest editor, "Dryden's Virgil still remains practically without a rival as the standard translation of the greatest Roman poet; the only one that, like two or three versions of Homer, has become an English classic." Dryden's "Dedication" is an excellent example of his prose style, and gives an interesting view of the method and standpoint of the greatest of English seventeenth century critics. TO THE MOST HONORABLE JOHN, LORD MARQUIS OF NORMANBY EARL OF MULGRAVE, &C. AND KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER A HEROIC poem, truly such, is undoubtedly the greatest work which the soul of man is capable to perform. The design of it is to form the mind to heroic virtue by example. 'Tis convey'd in verse, that it may delight, while it instructs: the action of it is always one, entire, and great. The least and most trivial episodes, or underactions, which are interwoven in it, are parts either necessary or convenient to carry on the main design; either so neces- sary, that, without them, the poem must be imperfect, or so con- venient, that no others can be imagin'd more suitable to the place in which they are. There is nothing to be left void in a firm build- ing; even the cavities ought not to be fill'd with rubbish, (which is of a perishable kind, destructive to the strength,) but with brick or stone, tho' of less pieces, yet of the same nature, and fitted to the crannies. Even the least portions of them must be of the epic kind: all things must be grave, majestical, and sublime; nothing of a foreign nature, like the trifling novels which Ariosto and others have inserted in their poems; by which the reader is misled into another sort of pleasure, opposite to that which is design 'd in an epic poem. One raises the soul, and hardens it to virtue; the other softens it again, and unbends it into vice. One conduces to the poet's aim, the completing of his work, which he is driving on, laboring and hast'ning in every line; the other slackens his pace, diverts him from his way, and locks him up, like a knight-errant, in an enchanted castle, when he should be pursuing his first ad- venture. Statius, as Bossu has well observ'd, was ambitious of trying his strength with his master Virgil, as Virgil had before tried his with 5 6 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL Homer. The Grecian gave the two Romans an example, in the games which were celebrated at the funerals of Patroclus. Virgil imitated the invention of Homer, but chang'd the sports. But both the Greek and Latin poet took their occasions from the subject; tho' to confess the truth, they were both ornamental, or at best convenient parts of it, rather than of necessity arising from it. Statius, who, thro' his whole poem, is noted for want of conduct and judg- ment, instead of staying, as he might have done, for the death of Capaneus, Hippomedon, Tydeus, or some other of his seven cham- pions, (who are heroes all alike), or more properly for the tragical end of the two brothers, whose exequies the next successor had leisure to perform when the siege was rais'd, and in the interval betwixt the poet's first action and his second, went out of his way, as it were on prepense malice, to commit a fault. For he took his opportunity to kill a royal infant by the means of a serpent (that author of all evil), to make way for those funeral honors which he intended for him. Now if this innocent had been of any relation to his Thebais; if he had either farther'd or hinder'd the taking of the town; the poet might have found some sorry excuse at least, for detaining the reader from the promis'd siege. On these terms, this Capaneus of a poet ingag'd his two immortal predecessors; and his success was answerable to his enterprise. If this economy must be observ'd in the minutest parts of an epic poem, which, to a common reader, seem to be detach'd from the body, and almost independent of it; what soul, tho' sent into the world with great advantages of nature, cultivated with the liberal arts and sciences, conversant with histories of the dead, and enrich'd with observations of the living, can be sufficient to inform the whole body of so great a work ? I touch here but transiently, without any strict method, on some few of those many rules of imitating nature which Aristotle drew from Homer's Iliads and Odysses, and which he fitted to the drama; furnishing himself also with observations from the practice of the theater when it flourish'd under iEschylus, Euripides, and Sophocles: for the original of the stage was from the epic poem. Narration, doubtless, preceded acting, and gave laws to it; what at first was told artfully, was, in process of time, repre- sented gracefully to the sight and hearing. Those episodes of Homer DEDICATION OF THE ^NEIS 7 which were proper for the stage, the poets ampUfied each into an action; out of his limbs they form'd their bodies; what he had con- tracted, they enlarg'd; out of one Hercules were made infinite of pigmies, yet all endued with human souls; for from him, their great creator, they have each of them the divinx particulam aurx. They flow'd from him at first, and are at last resolv'd into him. Nor were they only animated by him, but their measure and symmetry was owing to him. His one, entire, and great action was copied by them according to the proportions of the drama. If he finish'd his orb within the year, it suffic'd to teach them, that their action being less, and being also less diversified with incidents, their orb, of con- sequence, must be circumscrib'd in a less compass, which they reduc'd within the limits either of a natural or an artificial day; so that, as he taught them to amplify what he had shorten'd, by the same rule, applied the contrary way, he taught them to shorten what he had amplified. Tragedy is the miniature of human life; an epic poem is the draught at length. Here, my Lord, I must con- tract also; for, before I was aware, I was almost running into a long digression, to prove that there is no such absolute necessity that the time of a stage action should so strictly be confin'd to twenty-four hours as never to exceed them, for which Aristotle contends, and the Grecian stage has practic'd. Some longer space, on some occasions, I think, may be allow'd, especially for the English theater, which requires more variety of incidents than the French. Corneille him- self, after long practice, was inclin'd to think that the time allotted by the ancients was too short to raise and finish a great action: and better a mechanic rule were stretch'd or broken, than a great beauty were omitted. To raise, and afterwards to calm the passions, to purge the souls from pride, by the examples of human miseries, which befall the greatest; in few words, to expel arrogance, and introduce compassion, are the great effects of tragedy; great, I must confess, if they were altogether as true as they are pompous. But are habits to be introduc'd at three hours' warning? Are radical diseases so suddenly remov'd? A mountebank may promise such a cure, but a skilful physician will not undertake it. An epic poem is not in so much haste; it works leisurely; the changes which it makes are slow; but the cure is likely to be more perfect. The effects of 8 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL tragedy, as I said, are too violent to be lasting. If it be answer'd that, for this reason, tragedies are often to be seen, and the dose to be repeated, this is tacitly to confess that there is more virtue in one heroic poem than in many tragedies. A man is humbled one day, and his pride returns the next. Chymical medicines are observ'd to relieve oft'ner than to cure; for 'tis the nature of spirits to make swift impressions, but not deep. Galenical decoctions, to which I may properly compare an epic poem, have more of body in them; they work by their substance and their weight. It is one reason of Aristotle's to prove that tragedy is the more noble, because it turns in a shorter compass; the whole action being circumscrib'd within the space of four-and-twenty hours. He might prove as well that a mushroom is to be preferr'd before a peach, because it shoots up in the compass of a night. A chariot may be driven round the pillar in less space than a large machine, because the bulk is not so great. Is the Moon a more noble planet than Saturn, because she makes her revolution in less than thirty days, and he in little less than thirty years? Both their orbs are in proportion to their several magnitudes; and consequently the quickness or slowness of their motion, and the time of their circumvolutions, is no argument of the greater or less perfection. And, besides, what virtue is there in a tragedy which is not contain'd in an epic poem, where pride is humbled, virtue rewarded, and vice punish'd; and those more amply treated than the narrowness of the drama can admit? The shining quality of an epic hero, his magnanimity, his constancy, his patience, his piety, or whatever characteristical virtue his poet gives him, raises first our admiration. We are naturally prone to imitate what we admire; and frequent acts produce a habit. If the hero's chief quality be vicious, as, for example, the choler and obstinate desire of vengeance in Achilles, yet the moral is instructive: and, besides, we are inform'd in the very proposition of the Iliads that this anger was pernicious; that it brought a thousand ills on the Grecian camp. The courage of Achilles is propos'd to imitation, not his pride and disobedience to his general, nor his brutal cruelty to his dead enemy, nor the selling his body to his father. We abhor these actions while we read them; and what we abhor we never imitate. The poet only shews them, like rocks or quicksands, to be shunn'd. DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 9 By this example the critics have concluded that it is not necessary the manners of the hero should be virtuous. They are jwetically good, if they are of a piece: tho', where a character of perfect virtue is set before us, 'tis more lovely; for there the whole hero is to be imitated. This is the ^Eneas of our author; this is that idea of per- fection in an epic poem which painters and statuaries have only in their minds, and which no hands are able to express. These are the beauties of a god in a human body. When the picture of Achilles is drawn in tragedy, he is taken with those warts, and moles, and hard features, by those who represent him on the stage, or he is no more Achilles; for his creator, Homer, has so describ'd him. Yet even thus he appears a perfect hero, tho' an imperfect character of virtue. Horace paints him after Homer, and delivers him to be copied on the stage with all those imperfections. Therefore, they are either not faults in a heroic poem, or faults common to the drama. After all, on the whole merits of the cause, it must be acknowledg'd that the epic poem is more for the manners, and trag- edy for the passions. The passions, as I have said, are violent; and acute distempers require medicines of a strong and speedy operation. Ill habits of the mind are like chronical diseases, to be corrected by degrees, and cur'd by alteratives; wherein, tho' purges are sometimes necessary, yet diet, good air, and moderate exercise have the greatest part. The matter being thus stated, it will appear that both sorts of poetry are of use for their proper ends. The stage is more active; the epic poem works at greater leisure, yet is active too, when need re- quires; for dialogue is imitated by the drama from the more active parts of it. One puts off a fit, like the quinquina, and relieves us only for a time; the other roots out the distemper, and gives a healthful habit. The sun enlightens and cheers us, dispels fogs, and warms the ground with his daily beams; but the corn is sow'd, increases, is ripen'd, and is reap'd for use in process of time, and in its proper season. I proceed from the greatness of the action to the dignity of the actors; I mean to the persons employ'd in both poems. There likewise tragedy will be seen to borrow from the epopee; and that which borrows is always of less dignity, because it has not of its own. A subject, 'tis true, may lend to his sovereign; but the act of borrowing makes the king inferior, because he wants, and the 10 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL subject supplies. And suppose the persons of the drama wholly fabulous, or of the poet's invention, yet heroic poetry gave him the examples of that invention, because it was first, and Homer the common father of the stage. I know not of any one advantage which tragedy can boast above heroic poetry, but that it is repre- sented to the view, as well as read, and instructs in the closet, as well as on the theater. This is an uncontended excellence, and a chief branch of its prerogative; yet I may be allow'd to say, without partiality, that herein the actors share the poet's praise. Your Lord- ship knows some modern tragedies which are beautiful on the stage, and yet I am confident you would not read them. Tryphon the stationer complains they are seldom ask'd for in his shop. The poet who flourish'd in the scene is damn'd in the ruelle; nay more, he is not esteem'd a good poet by those who see and hear his extravagances with delight. They are a sort of stately fustian, and lofty childish- ness. Nothing but nature can give a sincere pleasure; where that is not imitated, 'tis grotesque painting; the fine woman ends in a fish's tail. I might also add that many things which not only please, but are real beauties in the reading, would appear absurd upon the stage; and those not only the speciosa miracula, as Horace calls them, of transformations, of Scylla, Antiphates, and the La;strygons, which cannot be represented even in operas; but the prowess of Achilles or ^neas would appear ridiculous in our dwarf heroes of the theater. We can believe they routed armies, in Homer or in Virgil; but ne Hercules contra duos in the drama. I forbear to instance in many things which the stage cannot, or ought not to represent; for I have said already more than I intended on this subject, and should fear it might be turn'd against me, that I plead for the preeminence of epic poetry because I have taken some pains in translating Virgil, if this were the first time that I had deliver'd my opinion in this dispute. But I have more than once already maintain'd the rights of my two masters against their rivals of the scene, even while 1 wrote tragedies myself, and had no thoughts of this present under- taking. I submit my opinion to your judgment, who are better qualified than any man I know to decide this controversy. You come, my Lord, instructed in the cause, and needed not that I should DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS II open it. Your Essay of Poetry, which was publish'd without a name, and of which I was not honor'd with the confidence, I read over and over with much delight, and as much instruction, and, without flattering you, or making myself more moral than I am, not without some envy. I was loth to be inform 'd how an epic poem should be written, or how a tragedy should be contriv'd and manag'd, in better verse, and with more judgment, than I could teach others. A native of Parnassus, and bred up in the studies of its fundamental laws, may receive new lights from his contem- poraries; but 'tis a grudging kind of praise which he gives his bene- factors. He is more oblig'd than he is willing to acknowledge; there is a tincture of malice in his commendations; for where I own I am taught, I confess my want of knowledge. A judge upon the bench may, out of good nature, or at least interest, encourage the pleadings of a puny counselor; but he does not willingly commend his brother sergeant at the bar, especially when he controls his law, and exposes that ignorance which is made sacred by his place. I gave the un- known author his due commendation, I must confess; but who can answer for me and for the rest of the poets who heard me read the poem, whether we should not have been better pleas'd to have seen our own names at the bottom of the title-page? Perhaps we com- mended it the more, that we might seem to be above the censure. We are naturally displeas'd with an unknown critic, as the ladies are with the lampooner, because we are bitten in the dark, and know not where to fasten our revenge. But great excellencies will work their way thro' all sorts of opposition. I applauded rather out of decency than affection; and was ambitious, as some yet can wit- ness, to be acquainted with a man with whom I had the honor to converse, and that almost daily, for so many years together. Heaven knows if I have heartily forgiven you this deceit. You extorted a praise which I should willingly have given, had I known you. Nothing had been more easy than to commend a patron of a long standing. The world would join with me, if the encomiums were just; and, if unjust, would excuse a grateful flatterer. But to come anonymous upon me, and force me to commend you against my interest, was not altogether so fair, give me leave to say, as it was poHtic; for by concealing your quaHty, you might clearly under- 12 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL Stand how your work succeeded, and that the general approbation was given to your merit, not your titles. Thus, like Apelles, you stood unseen behind your own Venus, and receiv'd the praises of the passing multitude; the work was commended, not the author; and I doubt not this was one of the most pleasing adventures of your life. I have detain'd your Lordship longer than I intended in this dis- pute of preference betwixt the epic poem and the drama, and yet have not formally answer 'd any of the arguments which are brought by Aristotle on the other side, and set in the fairest light by Dacier. But I suppose, without looking on the book, I may have touch'd on some of the objections; for, in this address to your Lordship, I design not a treatise of heroic poetry, but write in a loose epistolary way, somewhat tending to that subject, after the example of Horace, in his First Epistle of the Second Book, to Augustus Caesar, and of that to the Pisos, which we call his Art of Poetry; in both of which he observes no method that I can trace, whatever Scaliger the Father or Heinsius may have seen or rather think they had seen. I have taken up, laid down, and resum'd as often as I pleas'd, the same subject; and this loose proceeding I shall use thro' all this prefatory dedication. Yet all this while I have been sailing with some side wind or other toward the p)oint I propos'd in the beginning, the greatness and excellency of an heroic poem, with some of the difficulties which attend that work. The comparison, therefore, which I made betwixt the epopee and the tragedy was not altogether a digression; for 'tis concluded on all hands that they are both the masterpieces of human wit. In the mean time, I may be bold to draw this corollary from what has been already said, that the file of heroic poets is very short; all are not such who have assum'd that lofty title in ancient or modern ages, or have been so esteem'd by their partial and ignorant admirers. There have been but one great Ilias, and one /^neis, in so many ages. The next, but the next with a long interval betwixt, was the Jerusalem: I mean not so much in distance of time, as in excellency. After these three are enter'd, some Lord Chamberlain should be appointed, some critic of authority should be set before the door, to keep out a crowd of little poets, who press for admission, and are DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS I3 not of quality. Mxvius would be deaf ning your Lordship's ears with his Fortunam Priami cantabo, et nobile bellum — mere fustian, as Horace would tell you from behind, without pressing forward, and more smoke than fire. Pulci, Boiardo, and Ariosto would cry out: "Make room for the Italian poets, the descendants of Virgil in a right line." Father Le Moine, with his Saint Louis; and Scudery with his Alaric: "for a godly king and a Gothic conqueror;" and Chapelain would take it ill that his Matd should be refus'd a place with Helen and Lavinia. Spenser has a better plea for his Fairy Queen, had his action been finish'd, or had been one; and Milton, if the Devil had not been his hero, instead of Adam; if the giant had not foil'd the knight, and driven him out of his stronghold, to wander thro' the world with his lady errant; and if there had not been more machining persons than human in his poem. After these, the rest of our English f)oets shall not be mention'd. I have that honor for them which I ought to have; but, if they are worthies, they are not to be rank'd amongst the three whom I have nam'd, and who are establish'd in their reputation. Before I quitted the comparison betwixt epic poetry and tragedy, I should have acquainted my judge with one advantage of the former over the latter, which I now casually remember out of the preface of Segrais before his translation of the /^neis, or out of Bossu, no matter which. The style of the heroic poem is, and ought to be, more lofty than that of the drama. The critic is certainly in the right, for the reason already urg'd; the work of tragedy is on the passions, and in dialogue; both of them abhor strong metaphors, in which the epop>ee delights. A p)oet cannot speak too plainly on the stage; for polat irrevocabile verbum; the sense is lost, if it be not taken flying; but what we read alone, we have leisure to digest. There an author may beautify his sense by the boldness of his expression, which if we understand not fully at the first, we may dwell upon it till we find the secret force and excellence. That which cures the manners by alterative physic, as I said before, must proceed by insensible degrees; but that which purges the passions must do its business all at once, or wholly fail of its effect, at least 14 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL in the present operation, and without repeated doses. We must beat the iron while 'tis hot, but we may polish it at leisure. Thus, my Lord, you pay the fine of my forgetfulness; and yet the merits of both causes are where they were, and undecided, till you declare whether it be more for the benefit of mankind to have their manners in general corrected, or their pride and hard-heartedness remov'd. I must now come closer to my present business, and not think of making more invasive wars abroad, when, like Hannibal, I am call'd back to the defense of my own country. Virgil is attack'd by many enemies; he has a whole confederacy against him; and I must en- deavor to defend him as well as I am able. But their principal objections being against his moral, the duration or length of time taken up in the action of the poem, and what they have to urge against the manners of his hero, I shall omit the rest as mere cavils of grammarians; at the worst, but casual slips of a great man's pen, or inconsiderable faults of an admirable poem, which the author had not leisure to review before his death. Macrobius has answer 'd what the ancients could urge against him; and some things I have lately read in Tanneguy le Fevre, Valois, and another whom I name not, which are scarce worth answering. They begin with the moral of his poem, which I have elsewhere confess'd, and still must own, not to be so noble as that of Homer. But let both be fairly stated; and, without contradicting my first opinion, I can shew that Virgil's was as useful to the Romans of his age, as Homer's was to the Grecians of his, in what time soever he may be suppos'd to have liv'd and flourish 'd. Homer's moral was to urge the necessity of union, and of a good understanding betwixt confederate states and princes engag'd in a war with a mighty monarch; as also of dis- cipline in an army, and obedience in the several chiefs to the supreme commander of the joint forces. To inculcate this, he sets forth the ruinous effects of discord in the camp of those allies, occasion'd by the quarrel betwixt the general and one of the next in office under him. Agamemnon gives the provocation, and Achilles resents the injury. Both parties are faulty in the quarrel, and accord- ingly they are both punish'd; the aggressor is forc'd to sue for peace to his inferior on dishonorable conditions; the deserter refuses the satisfaction offer'd, and his obstinacy costs him his best friend. This DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS I5 works the natural effect of choler, and turns his rage against him by whom he was last affronted, and most sensibly. The greater anger expels the less; but his character is still preserv'd. In the mean time, the Grecian army receives loss on loss, and is half de- stroy'd by a pestilence into the bargain: Quicquid delirant rages, plectuntur Achivi. As the poet, in the first part of the example, had shewn the bad effects of discord, so, after the reconcilement, he gives the good effects of unity; for Hector is slain, and then Troy must fall. By this 'tis probable that Homer liv'd when the Median monarchy was grown formidable to the Grecians, and that the joint endeavors of his countrymen were little enough to preserve their common free- dom from an encroaching enemy. Such was his moral, which all critics have allow'd to be more noble than that of Virgil, tho* not adapted to the times in which the Roman poet liv'd. Had Virgil flourish'd in the age of Ennius, and address'd to Scipio, he had probably taken the same moral, or some other not unlike it. For then the Romans were in as much danger from the Carthaginian commonwealth as the Grecians were from the Assyrian or Median monarchy. But we are to consider him as writing his poem in a time when the old form of government was subverted, and a new one just establish 'd by Octavius Cisar, in effect by force of arms, but seemingly by the consent of the Roman people. The common- wealth had receiv'd a deadly wound in the former civil wars betwixt Marius and Sylla. The commons, while the first prevail'd, had almost shaken off the yoke of the nobility; and Marius and Cinna, like the captains of the mob, under the specious pretense of the public good, and of doing justice on the oppressors of their Uberty, reveng'd them- selves, without form of law, on their private enemies. Sylla, in his turn, proscrib'd the heads of the adverse party: he too had nothing but liberty and reformation in his mouth; for the cause of religion is but a modern motive to rebellion, invented by the Christian priest- hood, refining on the heathen. Sylla, to be sure, meant no more good to the Roman jseople than Marius before him, whatever he declar'd; but sacrific'd the lives and took the estates of all his enemies, to gratify those who brought him into power. Such was the reforma- 1 6 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL tion of the government by both parties. The senate and the commons were the two bases on which it stood, and the two champions of either faction each destroy 'd the foundations of the other side; so the fabric, of consequence, must fall betwixt them, and tyranny must be built upon their ruins. This comes of altering fundamental laws and constitutions; like him, who, being iri good health, lodg'd himself in a physician's house, and was overpersuaded by his landlord to take physic, of which he died, for the benefit of his doctor. Stavo ben; (was written on his monument,) ma, per star meglio, sto qui. After the death of those two usurpers, the commonwealth seem'd to recover, and held up its head for a little time. But it was all the while in a deep consumption, which is a flattering disease. Pomjjey, Crassus, and Caesar had found the sweets of arbitrary power; and, each being a check to the other's growth, struck up a false friendship amongst themselves, and divided the government betwixt them, which none of them was able to assume alone. These were the public-spirited men of their age; that is, patriots for their own inter- est. The commonwealth look'd with a florid countenance in their management, spread in bulk, and all the while was wasting in the vitals. Not to trouble your Lordship with the repetition of what you know; after the death of Crassus, Pompey found himself outwitted by Caesar, broke with him, overpower'd him in the senate, and caus'd many unjust decrees to pass against him. Caesar, thus injur'd, and unable to resist the faction of the nobles, which was now upp)ermost, (for he was a Marian,) had recourse to arms; and his cause was just against Pompey, but not against his country, whose constitution ought to have been sacred to him, and never to have been violated on the account of any private wrong. But he prevail'd; and, Heav'n declaring for him, he became a providential monarch, under the title of perpetual dictator. He being murther'd by his own son whom I neither dare commend, nor can justly blame, (tho' Dante, in his Inferno, has put him and Cassius, and Judas Iscariot betwixt them, into the great devil's mouth,) the commonwealth popp'd up its head for the third time, under Brutus and Cassius, and then sunk for ever. Thus the Roman people were grossly guU'd, twice or thrice over, and as often enslav'd in one century, and under the same pretense of reformation. At last the two battles of Philippi gave the decisive DEDICATION OF THE ^NEIS VJ Stroke against liberty; and, not long after, the commonwealth was turn'd into a monarchy by the conduct and good fortune of Augus- tus. 'Tis true that the despotic power could not have fallen into better hands than those of the first and second Carsar. Your Lordship well knows what obligations Virgil had to the latter of them: he saw, beside, that the commonwealth was lost without resource; the heads of it destroy 'd; the senate, new molded, grown degenerate, and either bought off, or thrusting their own necks into the yoke, out of fear of being forc'd. Yet I may safely affirm for our great author, (as men of good sense are generally honest,) that he was still of republican principles in heart. Secretisque piis, his dantem jura Catonem. I think I need use no other argument to justify my opinion, than that of this one line, taken from the Eighth Book of the /Ends. If he had not well studied his patron's temper, it might have ruin'd him with another prince. But Augustus was not discontented, at least that we can find, that Cato was plac'd, by his own poet, in Elysium, and there giving laws to the holy souls who deserv'd to be separated from the vulgar sort of good spirits. For his conscience could not but whisper to the arbitrary monarch, that the kings of Rome were at first elective, and govern'd not without a senate; that Romulus was no hereditary prince; and tho', after his death, he receiv'd divine honors for the good he did on earth, yet he was but a god of their own making; that the last Tarquin was expell'd justly, for overt acts of tyranny and maladministration; for such are the conditions of an elective kingdom: and I meddle not with others, being, for my own opinion, of Montaigne's principles, that an honest man ought to be contented with that form of government, and with those fundamental constitutions of it, which he receiv'd from his ancestors, and under which himself was born; tho' at the same time he confess'd freely, that if he could have chosen his place of birth, it should have been at Venice; which, for many reasons, I dislike, and am better pleas'd to have been born an Englishman. But, to return from my long rambling, I say that Virgil, having maturely weigh 'd the condition of the times in which he liv'd; that an entire Uberty was not to be retriev'd; that the present settlement l8 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL had the prospect of a long continuance in the same family, or those adopted into it; that he held his paternal estate from the bounty of the conqueror, by whom he was likewise enrich'd, esteem'd, and cherish 'd; that this conqueror, tho' of a bad kind, was the very best of it; that the arts of peace flourish'd under him; that all men might be happy, if they would be quiet; that, now he was in possession of the whole, yet he shar'd a great part of his authority with the senate; that he would be chosen into the ancient offices of the common- wealth, and rul'd by the power which he deriv'd from them, and prorogued his government from time to time, still, as it were, threat'ning to dismiss himself from public cares, which he exercis'd more for the common good than for any delight he took in greatness — these things, I say, being consider'd by the poet, he concluded it to be the interest of his country to be so govern'd; to infuse an awful respect into the people towards such a prince; by that respect to confirm their obedience to him, and by that obedience to make them happy. This was the moral of his divine poem; honest in the poet; honorable to the emperor, whom he derives from a divine extraction; and reflecting part of that honor on the Roman people, whom he derives also from the Trojans; and not only profitable, but necessary, to the present age, and likely to be such to their posterity. That it was the receiv'd opinion that the Romans were descended from the Trojans, and Julius Caesar from Julius the son of ^Eneas, was enough for Virgil; tho' perhaps he thought not so himself, or that ^Eneas ever was in Italy; which Bochartus manifestly proves. And Homer, where he says that Jupiter hated the house of Priam, and was resolv'd to transfer the kingdom to the family of itneas, yet mentions nothing of his leading a colony into a foreign country and settling there. But that the Romans valued themselves on their Trojan ancestry is so undoubted a truth that I need not prove it. Even the seals which we have remaining of Julius Caesar, which we know to be antique, have the star of Venus over them, tho' they were all graven after his death, as a note that he was deified. I doubt not but it was one reason why Augustus should be so passionately concern'd for the preservation of the /Eneis, which its author had condemn'd to be burnt, as an imperfect poem, by his last will and testament; was because it did him a real service, as well as an honor; that a work DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS I9 should not be lost where his divine original was celebrated in verse which had the character of immortality stamp'd upon it. Neither were the great Roman families which flourish'd in his time less oblig'd by him than the emperor. Your Lordship knows with what address he makes mention of them, as captains of ships, or leaders in the war; and even some of Italian extraction are not forgotten. These are the single stars which are sprinkled thro' the /Ends; but there are whole constellations of them in the Fifth Book. And I could not but take notice, when I translated it, of some favorite families to which he gives the victory and awards the prizes, in the person of his hero, at the funeral games which were celebrated in honor of Anchises. I insist not on their names; but am pleas'd to find the Memmii amongst them, deriv'd from Mnestheus, because Lucretius dedicates to one of that family, a branch of which destroy'd Corinth. I likewise either found or form'd an image to myself of the contrary kind; that those who lost the prizes were such as had dis- oblig'd the poet, or were in disgrace with Augustus, or enemies to Maecenas; and this was the poetical revenge he took. For genus irritabile vatum, as Horace says. When a poet is thoroughly pro- vok'd, he will do himself justice, however dear it cost him; ani- mamque in vulnere ponit. I think these are not bare imaginations of my own, tho' I find no trace of them in the commentators; but one poet may judge of another by himself. The vengeance we defer is not forgotten. I hinted before that the whole Roman people were oblig'd by Virgil, in deriving them from Troy; an ancestry which they affected. We and the French are of the same humor: they would be thought to descend from a son, I think, of Hector; and we would have our Britain both nam'd and planted by a descendant of iEneas. Spenser favors this opinion what he can. His Prince Arthur, or whoever he intends by him, is a Trojan. Thus the hero of Homer was a Grecian, of Virgil a Roman, of Tasso an Italian. I have transgress'd my bounds, and gone farther than the moral led me. But, if your Lordship is not tir'd, I am safe enough. Thus far, I think, my author is defended. But, as Augustus is still shadow'd in the person of yEneas, (of which I shall say more when I come to the manners which the fxiet gives his hero,) I must prepare that subject by shewing how dext'rously he manag'd both the 20 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL prince and people, so as to displease neither, and to do good to both; which is the part of a wise and an honest man, and proves that it is possible for a courtier not to be a knave. I shall continue still to speak my thoughts like a free-born subject, as I am; tho' such things, perhaps, as no Dutch commentator could, and I am sure no French- man durst. I have already told your Lordship my opinion of Virgil, that he was no arbitrary man. Oblig'd he was to his master for his bounty; and he repays him with good counsel, how to behave him- self in his new monarchy, so as to gain the affections of his subjects, and deserve to be call'd the father of his country. From this con- sideration it is that he chose, for the groundwork of his poem, one empire destroy'd, and another rais'd from the ruins of it. This was just the parallel. JEneas could not pretend to be Priam's heir in a lineal succession; for Anchises, the hero's father, was only of the second branch of the royal family; and Helenus, a son of Priam, was yet surviving, and might lawfully claim before him. It may be Virgil mentions him on that account. Neither has he forgotten Priamus, in the Fifth of his /Ends, the son of Polites, youngest son of Priam, who was slain by Pyrrhus, in the Second Book, itneas had only married Creusa, Priam's daughter, and by her could have no title while any of the male issue were remaining. In this case the poet gave him the next title, which is that of an elective king. The remaining Trojans chose him to lead them forth, and settle them in some foreign country. Ilioneus, in his speech to Dido, calls him expressly by the name of king. Our poet, who all this while had Augustus in his eye, had no desire he should seem to succeed by any right of inheritance deriv'd from Julius Carsar, (such a title being but one degree remov'd from conquest,) for what was intro- duc'd by force, by force may be remov'd. 'Twas better for the people that they should give, than he should take; since that gift was indeed no more at bottom than a trust. Virgil gives us an example of this in the person of Mezentius: he govern'd arbitrarily; he was expell'd, and came to the deserv'd end of all tyrants. Our author shews us another sort of kingship, in the person of Latinus. He was descended from Saturn, and, as I remember, in the third degree. He is describ'd a just and gracious prince, solicitous for the welfare of his people, always consulting with his senate to promote the common DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 21 good. We find him at the head of them, when he enters into the council hall, speaking first, but still demanding their advice, and steering by it, as far as the iniquity of the times would suffer him. And this is the proper character of a king by inheritance, who is born a father of his country. yEneas, tho' he married the heiress of the crown, yet claim'd no title to it during the life of his father-in-law. Pater arma Latinus habeto, &c., are Virgil's words. As for himself, he was contented to take care of his country gods, who were not those of Latium; wherein our divine author seems to relate to the after- practice of the Romans, which was to adopt the gods of those they conquer'd, or receiv'd as members of their commonwealth. Yet, withal, he plainly touches at the office of the high-priesthood, with which Augustus was invested, and which made his person more sacred and inviolable than even the tribunitial power. It was not therefore for nothing that the most judicious of all poets made that office vacant by the death of Panthus in the Second Book of the JEneis, for his hero to succeed in it, and consequently for Augustus to enjoy. I know not that any of the commentators have taken notice of that passage. If they have not, I am sure they ought; and if they have, I am not indebted to them for the observation. The words of Virgil are very plain: Sacra, suosque tibi commendat Troja penates. As for Augustus, or his uncle Julius, claiming by descent from yEneas, that title is already out of doors, ^neas succeeded not, but was elected. Troy was foredoom'd to fall for ever : Postquam res Asiz Priamique evertere regnum Immeritum visum superis. — ^neis, lib. iii, lin. r. Augustus, 'tis true, had once resolv'd to rebuild that city, and there to make the seat of empire; but Horace writes an ode on pur- pose to deter him from that thought, declaring the place to be accurst, and that the gods would as often destroy it as it should be rais'd. Hereupon the emperor laid aside a project so ungrateful to the Roman people. But by this, my Lord, we may conclude that he had still his pedigree in his head, and had an itch of being thought a divine king, if his poets had not given him better counsel. 22 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL I will pass by many less material objections, for want of room to answer them: what follows next is of great importance, if the critics can make out their charge; for 'tis level'd at the manners which our poet gives his hero, and which are the same which were eminently seen in his Augustus. Those manners were piety to the gods and a dutiful affection to his father, love to his relations, care of his jjeople, courage and conduct in the wars, gratitude to those who had oblig'd him, and justice in general to mankind. Piety, as your Lordship sees, takes place of all, as the chief part of his character; and the word in Latin is more full than it can possibly be express'd in any modern language; for there it com- prehends not only devotion to the gods, but filial love and tender affection to relations of all sorts. As instances of this, the deities of Troy and his own Penates are made the companions of his flight: they appear to him in his voyage, and advise him; and at last he replaces them in Italy, their native country. For his father, he takes him on his back; he leads his little son; his wife follows him; but, losing his footsteps thro' fear or ignorance, he goes back into the midst of his enemies to find her, and leaves not his pursuit till her ghost appears, to forbid his farther search. I will say nothing of his duty to his father while he liv'd, his sorrows for his death, of the games instituted in honor of his memory, or seeking him, by his command, even after death, in the Elysian fields. I will not mention his tenderness for his son, which everywhere is visible — of his raising a tomb for Polydorus, the obsequies for Misenus, his pious re- membrance of Deiphobus, the funerals of his nurse, his grief for Pallas, and his revenge taken on his murtherer, whom otherwise, by his natural compassion, he had forgiven: and then the ix)em had been left imperfect; for we could have had no certain prospect of his happiness, while the last obstacle to it was unremov'd. Of the other parts which compose his character, as a king or as a general, I need say nothing; the whole JEneis is one continued instance of some one or other of them; and where I find anything of them tax'd, it shall suffice me, as briefly as I can, to vindicate my divine master to your Lordship, and by you to the reader. But herein Segrais, in his ad- mirable preface to his translation of the /Eneis, as the author of the Dauphin's Virgil justly calls it, has prevented me. Him DEDICATION OF THE iCNEIS 23 I follow, and what I borrow from him, am ready to acknowl- edge to him. For, impartially speaking, the French are as much better critics than the English, as they are worse poets. Thus we generally allow that they better understand the management of a war than our islanders; but we know we are superior to them in the day of battle. They value themselves on their generals, we on our soldiers. But this is not the proper place to decide that question, if they make it one. I shall say perhaps as much of other nations and their poets, excepting only Tasso; and hope to make my assertion good, which is but doing justice to my country; part of which honor will reflect on your Lordship, whose thoughts are always just; your numbers harmonious, your words chosen, your expressions strong and manly, your verse flowing, and your turns as happy as they are easy. If you would set us more copies, your example would make all precepts needless. In the mean time, that little you have written is own'd, and that particularly by the poets, (who are a nation not over lavish of praise to their contemporaries,) as a principal ornament of our language; but the sweetest essences are always confin'd in the smallest glasses. When I speak of your Lordship, 'tis never a digression, and there- fore I need beg no pardon for it; but take up Segrais where I left him, and shall use him less often than I have occasion for him; for his preface is a perfect piece of criticism, full and clear, and digested into an exact method; mine is loose, and, as I intended it, epistolary. Yet I dwell on many things which he durst not touch; for 'tis dan- gerous to offend an arbitrary master, and every patron who has the power of Augustus has not his clemency. In short, my Lord, I would not translate him, because I would bring you somewhat of my own. His notes and observations on every book are of the same excellency; and, for the same reason, I omit the greater part. He takes notice that Virgil is arraign'd for placing piety before valor, and making that piety the chief character of his hero. I have said already from Bossu, that a poet is not oblig'd to make his hero a virtuous man; therefore, neither Homer nor Tasso are to be blam'd for giving what predominant quality they pleas'd to their first character. But Virgil, who design'd to form a perfect prince, and would insinuate that Augustus, whom he calls ^neas in his poem, 24 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL was truly such, found himself obHg'd to make him without blemish, thoroughly virtuous; and a thorough virtue both begins and ends in piety. Tasso, without question, observ'd this before me, and there- fore split his hero in two; he gave Godfrey piety, and Rinaldo forti- tude, for their chief qualities or manners. Homer, who had chosen another moral, makes both Agamemnon and Achilles vicious; for his design was to instruct in virtue by shewing the deformity of vice. I avoid repetition of that I have said above. What follows is trans- lated literally from Segrais: "Virgil had consider'd that the greatest virtues of Augustus con- sisted in the perfect art of governing his people; which caus'd him to reign for more than forty years in great felicity. He consider'd that his emperor was valiant, civil, popular, eloquent, poUtic, and religious; he has given all these qualities to ^neas. But, knowing that piety alone comprehends the whole duty of man towards the gods, towards his country, and towards his relations, he judg'd that this ought to be his first character, whom he would set for a pattern of perfection. In reality, they who believe that the praises which arise from valor are superior to those which proceed from any other virtues, have not consider'd (as they ought) that valor, destitute of other virtues, cannot render a man worthy of any true esteem. That quality, which signifies no more than an intrepid courage, may be separated from many others which are good, and accompanied with many which are ill. A man may be very valiant, and yet impious and vicious. But the same cannot be said of piety, which excludes all ill qualities, and comprehends even valor itself, with all other qualities which are good. Can we, for example, give the praise of valor to a man who should see his gods profan'd, and should want the courage to defend them.'' To a man who should abandon his father, or desert his king in his last necessity?" Thus far Segrais, in giving the preference to piety before valor. I will now follow him, where he considers this valor, or intrepid courage, singly in itself; and this also Virgil gives to his iEneas, and that in a heroical degree. Having first concluded that our poet did for the best in taking the first character of his hero from that essential virtue on which the rest depend, he proceeds to tell us that in the ten years' war of DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 25 Troy he was consider'd as the second champion of his country (allowing Hector the first place); and this, even by the confession of Homer, who took all occasions of setting up his own countrymen the Grecians, and of undervaluing the Trojan chiefs. But Virgil (whom Segrais forgot to cite) makes Diomede give him a higher character for strength and courage. His testimony is this, in the Eleventh Book: Stetimus tela aspera contra, Contulimusque manus: experto credite, quantus In clypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam. Si duo przterea tales Idza tulisset Terra viros, ultro Inachias venisset ad urbes Dardanus, et versis lugeret Grscia fatis. Quicquid apud durac cessatum est mctnia Trojst, Hectoris yEneique manu victoria Graium Hscsit, et in decumum vestigia retulit annum. Ambo animis, ambo insignes przstantibus armis: Hie pietate prior. — I give not here my translation of these verses, (tho' I think I have not ill succeeded in them,) because your Lordship is so great a master of the original that I have no reason to desire you should see Virgil and me so near together. But you may please, my Lord, to take notice that the Latin author refines upon the Greek, and insinuates that Homer had done his hero wrong in giving the advantage of the duel to his own countryman; tho' Diomedes was manifestly the second champion of the Grecians; and Ulysses preferr'd him before Ajax, when he chose him for the companion of his nightly expedition; for he had a headpiece of his own, and wanted only the fortitude of another to bring him off with safety, and that he might compass his design with honor. The French translator thus proceeds: "They who accuse ^neas for want of courage, either understand not Virgil, or have read him slightly; otherwise they would not raise an objection so easy to be answer 'd." Hereupon he gives so many instances of the hero's valor, that to repeat them after him would tire your Lordship, and put me to the unnecessary trouble of transcribing the greatest part of the three last /Eneids. In short, more could not be expected from an Amadis, a Sir Lancelot, or the whole Round Table, than he performs. 26 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL Proxima quaque metit gladio, is the perfect account of a knight- errant. "If it be replied," continues Segrais, "that it was not difficult for him to undertake and achieve such hardy enterprises, because he wore enchanted arms; that accusation, in the first place, must fall on Homer, ere it can reach Virgil." Achilles was as well provided with them as ^neas, tho' he was invulnerable without them. And Ariosto, the two Tassos (Bernardo and Torquato), even our own Spenser, in a word, all modern poets, have copied Homer as well as Virgil: he is neither the first nor last, but in the midst of them; and therefore is safe, if they are so. "Who knows," says Segrais, "but that his fated armor was only an allegorical defense, and signified no more than that he was under the peculiar protection of the gods? — born, as the astrologers will tell us out of Virgil, (who was well vers'd in the Chaldjean mysteries,) under the favorable influence of Jupiter, Venus, and the Sun." But I insist not on this, because 1 know you believe not in such an art; tho' not only Horace and Persius, but Augustus himself, thought otherwise. But, in defense of Virgil, I dare p>ositively say that he has been more cautious in this particular than either his predecessor or his descendants; for itneas was actually wounded in the Twelfth of the /'Ends, tho' he had the same god- smith to forge his arms as had Achilles. It seems he was no warluck, as the Scots commonly call such men, who, they say, are iron-free, or lead-free. Yet, after this experiment that his arms were not im- penetrable, when he was cur'd indeed by his mother's help, because he was that day to conclude the war by the death of Turnus, the poet durst not carry the miracle too far, and restore him wholly to his former vigor; he was still too weak to overtake his enemy; yet we see with what courage he attacks Turnus, when he faces and renews the combat. I need say no more; for Virgil defends himself without needing my assistance, and proves his hero truly to deserve that name. He was not then a second-rate champion, as they would have him who think fortitude the first virtue in a hero. But, being beaten from this hold, they will not yet allow him to be valiant, because he wept more often, as they think, than well becomes a man of courage. In the first place, if tears are arguments of cowardice, what shall I say of Homer's hero? Shall Achilles pass for timorous because he DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 2/ wept, and wept on less occasions than ^neas? Herein Virgil must be granted to have excell'd his master. For once both heroes are describ'd lamenting their lost loves: Briseis was taken away by force from the Grecian; CreiJsa was lost for ever to her husband. But Achilles went roaring along the salt sea-shore, and, like a booby, was complaining to his mother, when he should have reveng'd his injury by arms. JEneas took a nobler course; for, having secur'd his father and his son, he repeated all his former dangers to have found his wife, if she had been above ground. And here your Lordship may observe the address of Virgil; it was not for nothing that this passage was related with all these tender circumstances, itneas told it; Dido heard it. That he had been so affectionate a husband was no ill argument to the coming dowager that he might prove as kind to her. Virgil has a thousand secret beauties, tho' I have not leisure to remark them. Segrais, on this subject of a hero's shedding tears, observes that historians commend Alexander for weeping when he read the mighty actions of Achilles; and Julius Cssar is likewise prais'd, when, out of the same noble envy, he wept at the victories of Alexander. But, if we observe more closely, we shall find that the tears of ^neas were always on a laudable occasion. Thus he weeps out of compassion and tenderness of nature, when, in the temple of Carthage, he beholds the pictures of his friends, who sacrific'd their Hves in defense of their country. He deplores the lamentable end of his pilot Palinurus, the untimely death of young Pallas his con- federate, and the rest, which I omit. Yet, even for these tears, his wretched critics dare condemn him. They make ^neas little better than a kind of St. Swithen hero, always raining. One of these censors is bold enough to argue him of cowardice, when, in the beginning of the First Book, he not only weeps, but trembles at an approaching storm: Extemplo yEnex solvuntur frigore membra: Ingemit, ct duplices tendens ad sidera palmas, &c. But to this I have answer'd formerly, that his fear was not for himself, but for his people. And who can give a sovereign a better commendation, or recommend a hero more to the affection of the reader.^ They were threaten'd with a tempest, and he wept; he 28 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL was promis'd Italy, and therefore he pray'd for the accomplishment of that promise. All this in the beginning of a storm; therefore he shew'd the more early piety, and the quicker sense of compassion. Thus much I have urg'd elsewhere in the defense of Virgil; and, since, I have been inform'd by Mr, Moyle, a young gentleman whom I can never sufficiently commend, that the ancients accounted drown- ing an accursed death; so that, if we grant him to have been afraid, he had just occasion for that fear, both in relation to himself and to his subjects. I think our adversaries can carry this argument no farther, unless they tell us that he ought to have had more con- fidence in the promise of the gods. But how was he assur'd that he had understood their oracles aright? Helenus might be mistaken; Phoebus might speak doubtfully; even his mother might flatter him that he might prosecute his voyage, which if it succeeded happily, he should be the founder of an empire. For that she herself was doubtful of his fortune is apparent by the address she made to Jupiter on his behalf; to which the god makes answer in these words: Parce metu, Cytherea: manent immota tuorum Fata tibi, Sec. notwithstanding which, the goddess, tho' comforted, was not assur'd; for even after this, thro' the course of the whole /'Eneis, she still apprehends the interest which Juno might make with Jupiter against her son. For it was a moot point in heaven, whether he could alter fate, or not. And indeed some passages in Virgil would make us suspect that he was of opinion Jupiter might defer fate, tho' he could not alter it. For in the latter end of the Tenth Book he introduces Juno begging for the life of Turnus, and flattering her husband with the power of changing destiny — Tua, qui potes, orsa reflectas! To which he graciously answers: Si mora przsentis lethi, tempusque caduco Oratur juveni, meque hoc ita ponere sentis, Telle fuga Turnum, atque instantibus eripe fatis. Hactenus indulsisse vacat. Sin altior istis Sub precibus venia uUa latet, totumque moveri Mutarive putas bellum, spes pascis inaneis. But that he could not alter those decrees, the King of Gods him- self confesses, in the book above cited, when he comforts Hercules DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 29 for the death of Pallas, who had invok'd his aid before he threw his lance at Turnus: • Trojz sub moenibus altis Tot nati cecidere deum; quin occidit una Sarpedon, mea progenies. Etiam sua Turnum Fata manent, metasque dati pervenit ad sevi where he plainly acknowledges that he could not save his own son, or prevent the death which he foresaw. Of his power to defer the blow I once occasionally discours'd with that excellent person Sir Robert Howard, who is better conversant than any man that I know in the doctrine of the Stoics; and he set me right, from the concurrent testimony of philosophers and poets, that Jupiter could not retard the effects of fate, even for a moment. For, when I cited Virgil as favoring the contrary opinion in that verse, ToUe fuga Turnum, atque instantibus eripe fatis, &c. he replied, and, I think, with exact judgment, that, when Jupiter gave Juno leave to withdraw Turnus from the present danger, it was because he certainly foreknew that his fatal hour was not come; that it was in destiny for Juno at that time to save him; and that himself obey'd destiny in giving her that leave. I need say no more in justification of our hero's courage, and am much deceiv'd if he be ever attack'd on this side of his character again. But he is arraign'd with more shew of reason by the ladies, who will make a numerous party against him, for being false to love, in forsaking Dido. And I cannot much blame them; for, to say the truth, 'tis an ill precedent for their gallants to follow. Yet, if I can bring him off with flying colors, they may learn experience at her cost, and, for her sake, avoid a cave, as the worst shelter they can choose from a shower of rain, especially when they have a lover in their company. In the first place, Segrais observes with much acuteness that they who blame JEneas for his insensibility of love when he left Carthage, contradict their former accusation of him for being always crying, compassionate, and effeminately sensible of those misfortunes which befell others. They give him two contrary characters; but Virgil makes him of a piece, always grateful, always tender-hearted. But 30 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL they are impudent enough to discharge themselves of this blunder, by laying the contradiction at Virgil's door. He, they say, has shewn his hero with these inconsistent characters, acknowledging and un- grateful, compassionate and hard-hearted, but, at the bottom, fickle and self-interested; for Dido had not only receiv'd his weather-beaten troops before she saw him, and given them her protection, but had also ofler'd them an equal share in her dominion: Vultus et his mecum pariter considere regnis? Urbem quam statuo, vestra est. This was an obligement never to be forgotten; and the more to be consider'd, because antecedent to her love. That passion, 'tis true, produc'd the usual effects, of generosity, gallantry, and care to please; and thither we refer them. But when she had made all these ad- vances, it was still in his power to have refus'd them; after the intrigue of the cave (call it marriage, or enjoyment only) he was no longer free to take or leave; he had accepted the favor, and was oblig'd to be constant, if he would be grateful. My Lord, I have set this argument in the best light I can, that the ladies may not think I write booty; and perhaps it may happen to me, as it did to Doctor Cudworth, who has rais'd such strong objec- tions against the being of a God, and Providence, that many think he has not answer'd them. You may please at least to hear the adverse party. Segrais pleads for Virgil, that no less than an absolute command from Jupiter could excuse this insensibility of the hero, and this abrupt departure, which looks so like extreme ingratitude. But, at the same time, he does wisely to remember you, that Virgil had made piety the first character of JEneas; and, this being allow'd, (as I am afraid it must,) he was oblig'd, antecedent to all other con- siderations, to search an asylum for his gods in Italy — for those very gods, I say, who had promis'd ^o his race the universal empire. Could a pious man dispense with the commands of Jupiter, to satisfy his passion, or (take it in the strongest sense) to comply with the obliga- tions of his gratitude? Religion, 'tis true, must have moral honesty for its groundwork, or we shall be apt to suspect its truth; but an immediate revelation dispenses with all duties of morality. All casuists agree that theft is a breach of the moral law; yet, if I might DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 3 1 presume to mingle things sacred with profane, the IsraeUtes only spoil'd the Egyptians, not robb'd them, because the propriety was transferr'd by a revelation to their lawgiver. I confess Dido was a very infidel in this point; for she would not believe, as Virgil makes her say, that ever Jupiter would send Mercury on such an immoral errand. But this needs no answer, at least no more than Virgil gives it: Fata obstant; placidasque viri deus obstruit aures. This notwithstanding, as Segrais confesses, he might have shewn a little more sensibility when he left her; for that had been according to his character. But let Virgil answer for himself. He still lov'd her, and struggled with his inclinations to obey the gods: Curam sub corde premebat, Multa gemens, magnoque animum labefactus amore. Upon the whole matter, and humanly speaking, I doubt there was a fault somewhere; and Jupiter is better able to bear the blame than either Virgil or JEneas. The poet, it seems, had found it out, and therefore brings the deserting hero and the forsaken lady to meet together in the lower regions, where he excuses himself when 'tis too late; and accordingly she will take no satisfaction, nor so much as hear him. Now Segrais is forc'd to abandon his defense, and ex- cuses his author by saying that the /Ends is an imperfect work, and that death prevented the divine poet from reviewing it; and for that reason he had condemn'd it to the fire; tho', at the same time, his two translators must acknowledge that the Sixth Book is the most correct of the whole Mneis. O, how convenient is a machine some- times in a heroic poem! This of Mercury is plainly one; and Virgil was constrain'd to use it here, or the honesty of his hero would be ill defended. And the fair sex, however, if they had the deserter in their power, would certainly have shewn him no more mercy than the Bacchanals did Orpheus: for, if too much constancy may be a fault sometimes, then want of constancy, and ingratitude after the last favor, is a crime that never will be forgiven. But of machines, more in their proper place; where I shall shew with how much 32 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL judgment they have been us'd by Virgil; and, in the mean time, pass to another article of his defense on the present subject; where, if I cannot clear the hero, I hope at least to bring off the poet; for here I must divide their causes. Let itlneas trust to his machine, which will only help to break his fall; but the address is incom- parable. Plato, who borrow'd so much from Homer, and yet con- cluded for the banishment of all poets, would at least have rewarded Virgil before he sent him into exile. But I go farther, and say that he ought to be acquitted, and deserv'd, beside, the bounty of Augus- tus and the gratitude of the Roman people. If, after this, the ladies will stand out, let them remember that the jury is not all agreed; for Octavia was of his party, and was of the first quality in Rome; she was also present at the reading of the Sixth /'Eneid, and we know not that she condemn'd ^neas; but we are sure she presented the poet for his admirable elegy on her son Marcellus. But let us consider the secret reasons which Virgil had for thus framing this noble episode, wherein the whole passion of love is more exactly describ'd than in any other poet. Love was the theme of his Fourth Book: and, tho' it is the shortest of the whole /Ends, yet there he has given its beginning, its progress, its traverses, and its conclusion; and had exhausted so entirely this subject, that he could resume it but very slightly in the eight ensuing books. She was warm'd with the graceful appearance of the hero; she smother'd those sparkles out of decency; but conversation blew them up into a flame. Then she was forc'd to make a confident of her whom she best might trust, her own sister, who approves the passion, and thereby augments it; then succeeds her public owning it; and, after that, the consummation. Of Venus and Juno, Jupiter and Mercury, I say nothing, for they were all machining work; but, possession having cool'd his love, as it increas'd hers, she soon per- ceiv'd the change, or at least grew suspicious of a change; this suspicion soon turn'd to jealousy, and jealousy to rage; then she disdains and threatens, and again is humble, and intreats, and, nothing availing, despairs, curses, and at last becomes her own executioner. See here the whole process of that passion, to which nothing can be added. I dare go no farther, lest I should lose the connection of my discourse. DEDICATION OF THE /ENEIS 33 To love our native country, and to study its benefit and its glory, to be interested in its concerns, is natural to all men, and is indeed our common duty. A poet makes a farther step; for, endeavoring to do honor to it, 't is allowable in him even to be partial in its cause; for he is not tied to truth, or fetter'd by the laws of history. Homer and Tasso are justly prais'd for choosing their heroes out of Greece and Italy; Virgil indeed made his a Trojan; but it was to derive the Romans and his own Augustus from him. But all the three poets are manifestly partial to their heroes, in favor of their country; for Dares Phrygius reports of Hector that he was slain cowardly: yEneas, according to the best account, slew not Mezentius, but was slain by him; and the chronicles of Italy tell us little of that Rinaldo d'Este who conquers Jerusalem in Tasso. He might be a champion of the Church; but we know not that he was so much as present at the siege. To apply this to Virgil, he thought himself engag'd in honor to espouse the cause and quarrel of his country against Carthage. He knew he could not please the Romans better, or oblige them more to patronize his poem, than by disgracing the foundress of that city. He shews her ungrateful to the memory of her first hus- band, doting on a stranger; enjoy'd, and afterwards forsaken by him. This was the original, says he, of the immortal hatred betwixt the two rival nations. 'Tis true, he colors the falsehood of ^Eneas by an express command from Jupiter, to forsake the queen who had oblig'd him; but he knew the Romans were to be his readers, and them he brib'd, perhaps at the expense of his hero's honesty; but he gain'd his cause, however, as pleading before corrupt judges. They were content to see their founder false to love, for still he had the advantage of the amour: it was their enemy whom he forsook, and she might have forsaken him, if he had not got the start of her : she had already forgotten her vows to her Sicha;us; and varium et mutabile semper femina is the sharpest satire, in the fewest words, that ever was made on womankind; for both the adjectives are neuter, and animal must be understood, to make them grammar. Virgil does well to put those words into the mouth of Mercury. // a god had not spoken them, neither durst he have written them, nor I translated them. Yet the deity was forc'd to come twice on the same errand; and the second time, as much a hero as ^neas was. 34 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL he frighted him. It seems he fear'd not Jupiter so much as Dido; for your Lordship may observe that, as much intent as he was upon his voyage, yet he still delay'd it, till the messenger was oblig'd to tell him plainly, that, if he weigh'd not anchor in the night, the queen would be with him in the morning. Notumque jurens quid jemina possit — she was injur'd; she was revengeful; she was power- ful. The poet had likewise before hinted that her people were naturally perfidious; for he gives their character in their queen, and makes a proverb of Punka fides, many ages before it was invented. Thus I hope, my Lord, that I have made good my promise, and justified the poet, whatever becomes of the false knight. And sure a poet is as much privileg'd to lie as an ambassador, for the honor and interests of his country; at least as Sir Henry Wotton has defin'd. This naturally leads me to the defense of the famous anachronism, in making ^neas and Dido contemporaries; for 'tis certain that the hero Uv'd almost two hundred years before the building of Carthage. One who imitates Bocaline says that Virgil was accus'd before Apollo for this error. The god soon found that he was not able to defend his favorite by reason, for the case was clear: he therefore gave this middle sentence, that anything might be allow'd to his son Virgil, on the account of his other merits; that, being a monarch, he had a dispensing power, and pardon'd him. But, that this special act of grace might never be drawn into example, or pleaded by his puny successors in justification of their ignorance, he decreed for the future, no f)oet should presume to make a lady die for love two hundred years before her birth. To moralize this story, Virgil is the Apollo who has this dispensing power. His great judgment made the laws of poetry; but he never made himself a slave to them: chronology, at best, is but a cobweb law, and he broke thro' it with his weight. They who will imitate him wisely must choose, as he did, an obscure and a remote etra, where they may invent at pleasure, and not be easily contradicted. Neither he, nor the Romans, had ever read the Bible, by which only his false computation of times can be made out against him. This Segrais says in his defense, and proves it from his learned friend Bochartus, whose letter on this subject he has printed at the end of the Fourth JEneid, to which I refer your Lordship and the reader. Yet the credit of Virgil was so DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 35 great that he made this fable of his own invention pass for an authentic history, or at least as credible as anything in Homer. Ovid takes it up after him, even in the same age, and makes an ancient heroine of Virgil's newectora mulcet: Sic cunctus f>elagi cecidit fragor, zquora postquam Prospiciens genitor coeloque invectus aperto Flectit equos, curruque volans dat lora secundo. This is the first similitude which Virgil makes in this poem, and one of the longest in the whole; for which reason I the rather cite it. While the storm was in its fury, any allusion had been improper; for the poet could have compar'd it to nothing more impetuous than itself; consequently he could have made no illustration. If he could have illustrated, it had been an ambitious ornament out of season, and would have diverted our concernment: nunc non erat hisce locus; and therefore he deferr'd it to its proper place. These are the criticisms of most moment which have been made against the /Ends by the ancients or moderns. As for the particular exceptions against this or that passage, Macrobius and Pontanus have answer'd them already. If I desir'd to appear more learned than I am, it had been as easy for me to have taken their objections DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 43 and solutions, as it is for a country parson to take the expositions of the fathers out of Junius and Tremellius, or not to have nam'd the authors from whence 1 had them; for so Rujeus, otherwise a most judicious commentator on Virgil's works, has us'd Pontanus, his greatest benefactor; of whom he is very silent; and I do not re- member that he once cites him. What follows next is no objection; for that implies a fault: and it had been none in Virgil, if he had extended the time of his action beyond a year. At least Aristotle has set no precise limits to it. Homer's, we know, was within two months: Tasso, I am sure, ex- ceeds not a summer; and, if I examin'd him, perhaps he might be reduc'd into a much less compass. Bossu leaves it doubtful whether Virgil's action were within the year, or took up some months beyond it. Indeed, the whole dispute is of no more concernment to the common reader, than it is to a plowman, whether February this year had 28 or 29 days in it. But, for the satisfaction of the more curious, of which number I am sure your Lordship is one, I will translate what I think convenient out of Segrais, whom perhaps you have not read; for he has made it highly probable that the action of the /Ends began in the spring, and was not extended be- yond the autumn. And we have known campaigns that have begun sooner and have ended later. Ronsard, and the rest whom Segrais names, who are of opinion that the action of this poem takes up almost a year and half, ground their calculations thus. Anchises died in Sicily at the end of winter, or beginning of the spring, ^neas, immediately after the interment of his father, puts to sea for Italy. He is surpris'd by the tempest describ'd in the beginning of the First Book; and there it is that the scene of the poem opens, and where the action must commence. He is driven by this storm on the coasts of Afric; he stays at Car- thage all that summer, and almost all the winter following, sets sail again for Italy just before the beginning of the spring, meets with contrary winds, and makes Sicily the second time. This part of the action completes the year. Then he celebrates the anniversary of his father's funerals, and shortly after arrives at Cumes; and from thence his time is taken up in his first treaty with Latinus, the overture of the war, the siege of his camp by Turnus, his going for succors to 44 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL relieve it, his return, the raising of the siege by the first battle, the twelve days' truce, the second battle, the assault of Laurentum, and the single fight with Turnus; all which, they say, cannot take up less than four or five months more; by which account we cannot suppose the entire action to be contain'd in a much less compass than a year and half. Segrais reckons another way; and his computation is not con- demn'd by the learned Ruaeus, who compil'd and publish'd the com- mentaries on our poet which we call the Dauphin's Virgil. He allows the time of year when Anchises died to be in the latter end of winter, or the beginning of the spring: he acknowledges that, when yEneas is first seen at sea afterwards, and is driven by the tempest on the coast of Afric, is the time when the action is naturally to begin: he confesses, farther, that i^neas left Carthage in the latter end of winter; for Dido tells him in express terms, as an argument for his longer stay: Quinetiam hiberno moliris sidere dassem. But, whereas Ronsard's followers suppose that when ^Eneas had buried his father, he set sail immediately for Italy, (tho* the tempest drove him on the coast of Carthage,) Segrais will by no means allow that supposition, but thinks it much more probable that he remain'd in Sicily till the midst of July, or the beginning of August; at which time he places the first appearance of his hero on the sea, and there opens the action of the poem. From which beginning to the death of Turnus, which concludes the action, there need not be suppos'd above ten months of intermediate time: for, arriving at Carthage in the latter end of summer, staying there the winter following, de- parting thence in the very beginning of the spring, making a short abode in Sicily the second time, landing in Italy, and making the war, may be reasonably judg'd the business but of ten months. To this the Ronsardians reply, that, having been for seven years before in quest of Italy, and having no more to do in Sicily than to inter his father — after that office was perform'd, what remain'd for him, but, without delay, to pursue his first adventure? To which Segrais answers, that the obsequies of his father, according to the rites of the Greeks and Romans, would detain him for many days; that a DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 45 longer time must be taken up in the refitting of his ships after so tedious a voyage, and in refreshing his weather-beaten soldiers on a friendly coast. These indeed are but suppositions on both sides; yet those of Segrais seem better grounded. For the feast of Dido, when she entertain'd itneas first, has the appearance of a summer's night, which seems already almost ended when he begins his story; therefore the love was made in autumn: the hunting fol- low'd properly, when the heats of that scorching country were de- clining; the winter was pass'd in jollity, as the season and their love requir'd; and he left her in the latter end of winter, as is already prov'd. This opinion is fortified by the arrival of yEneas at the mouth of Tiber, which marks the season of the spring; that season being perfectly describ'd by the singing of the birds, saluting the dawn, and by the beauty of the place, which the poet seems to have painted expressly in the Seventh /Eneid: Aurora in roseis fulgebat lutea bigis. Cum venti posuere; varise circumque supraque Assuetz ripis volucres et fluminis alveo ^thera mulccbant cantu. The remainder of the action requir'd but three months more: for, when ^Eneas went for succor to the Tuscans, he found their army in a readiness to march, and wanting only a commander; so that, according to this calculation, the /Enets takes not up above a year complete, and may be comprehended in less compass. This, amongst other circumstances treated more at large by Segrais, agrees with the rising of Orion, which caus'd the tempest describ'd in the beginning of the First Book. By some passages in the Pastorals, but more particularly in the Georgtcs, our poet is found to be an exact astronomer, according to the knowledge of that age. Now Ilioneus (whom Virgil twice employs in embassies, as the best speaker of the Trojans) attributes that tempest to Orion, in his speech to Dido: Cum sublto assurgens fluctu nimbosus Orion. He must mean either the heliacal or achronical rising of that sign. The heliacal rising of a constellation is when it comes from under the rays of the sun and begins to appear before daylight. The achronical 46 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL rising, on the contrary, is when it appears at the close of day, and in opposition of the sun's diurnal course. The heliacal rising of Orion is at present computed to be about the sixth of July; and about that time it is that he either causes or pre- sages tempests on the seas. Segrais has observ'd farther, that, when Anna counsels Dido to stay iEneas during the winter, she speaks also of Orion: Dum pelago deszvit hiems, et aquosus Orion. If therefore Ilioneus, according to our supposition, understand the heliacal rising of Orion, Anna must mean the achronical, which the different epithets given to that constellation seem to manifest. Ilioneus calls him nimbosus; Anna, aquosus. He is temf)estuous in the summer, when he rises heliacally, and rainy in the winter, when he rises achronically. Your Lordship will pardon me for the frequent repetition of these cant words, which I could not avoid in this abbre- viation of Segrais, who, I think, deserves no litde commendation in this new criticism. I have yet a word or two to say of Virgil's machines, from my own observation of them. He has imitated those of Homer, but not copied them. It was establish'd long before this time, in the Roman religion as well as in the Greek, that there were gods; and both nations, for the most part, worship'd the same deities; as did also the Trojans, from whom the Romans, I suppose, would rather be thought to derive the rites of their religion than from the Grecians; because they thought themselves descended from them. Each of those gods had his proper office, and the chief of them their particular attendants. Thus Jupiter had in propriety Ganymede and Mercury, and Juno had Iris. It was not for Virgil then to create new ministers; he must take what he found in his religion. It cannot there- fore be said that he borrow'd them from Homer, any more than Apollo, Diana, and the rest, whom he uses as he finds occasion for them, as the Grecian poet did; but he invents the occasions for which he uses them. Venus, after the destruction of Troy, had gain'd Nep- tune entirely to her party; therefore we find him busy in the begin- ning of the JEneis, to calm the tempest rais'd by iEolus, and after- wards conducting the Trojan fleet to Cumes in safety, with the loss DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 47 only of their pilot, for whom he bargains. I name those two examples amongst a hundred which I omit, to prove that Virgil, generally speaking, employ 'd his machines in performing those things which might possibly have been done without them. What more frequent than a storm at sea, upon the rising of Orion? What wonder, if, amongst so many ships, there should one be overset, which was commanded by Orontes, tho' half the winds had not been there which itolus employ'd? Might not Palinurus, without a miracle, fall asleep, and drop into the sea, having been overwearied with watching, and secure of a quiet passage, by his observation of the skies? At least ^Eneas, who knew nothing of the machine of Somnus, takes it plainly in this sense : O nimium cceIo et pelago confise sereno Nudus in ignota, Palinure, jacebis arena. But machines sometimes are specious things, to amuse the reader and give a color of probability to things otherwise incredible. And, besides, it sooth'd the vanity of the Romans, to find the gods so visibly concern'd in all the actions of their predecessors. We, who are better taught by our religion, yet own every wonderful accident which befalls us for the best, to be brought to pass by some special providence of Almighty God, and by the care of guardian angels; and from hence I might infer that no heroic poem can be writ on the Epicurean principles; which I could easily demonstrate, if there were need to prove it, or I had leisure. When Venus opens the eyes of her son iEneas, to behold the gods who combated against Troy in that fatal night when it was surpris'd, we share the pleasure of that glorious vision (which Tasso has not ill copied in the sacking of Jerusalem). But the Greeks had done their business, tho' neither Neptune, Juno, or Pallas had given them their divine assistance. The most crude machine which Virgil uses is in the episode of Camilla, where Opis, by the command of her mistress, kills Aruns. The next is in the Twelfth /Eneid, where Venus cures her son ^neas. But in the last of these the poet was driven to a necessity; for Turnus was to be slain that very day; and ^neas, wounded as he was, could not have engag'd him in single combat, unless his hurt had been miraculously heal'd. And the poet 48 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL had consider'd that the dittany which she brought from Crete could not have wrought so speedy an efIect,without the juice of ambrosia, which she mingled with it. After ail, that his machine might not seem too violent, we see the hero limping after Turnus, The wound was skinn'd, but the strength of his thigh was not restor'd. But what reason had our author to wound ytneas at so critical a time? And how came the cuisses to be worse tempered than the rest of his armor, which was all wrought by Vulcan and his journeymen? These difficulties are not easily to be solv'd, without confessing that Virgil had not life enough to correct his work; tho' he had re- view'd it, and found those errors which he resolv'd to mend: but, being prevented by death, and not willing to leave an imperfect work behind him, he ordain'd, by his last testament, that his /Ends should be burn'd. As for the death of Aruns, who was shot by a goddess, the machine was not altogether so outrageous as the wound- ing Mars and Venus by the sword of Diomede. Two divinities, one would have thought, might have pleaded their prerogative of impassibility, or at least not have been wounded by any mortal hand; beside that the flx<^p which they shed was so very Uke our common blood, that it was not to be distinguish'd from it, but only by the name and color. As for what Horace says in his Art of Poetry, that no machines are to be us'd, unless on some extraordinary occa- sion: Nee deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus — that rule is to be applied to the theater, of which he is then speaking; and means no more than this, that, when the knot of the play is to be untied, and no other way is left for making the discovery; then, and not otherwise, let a god descend upon a rope, and clear the business to the audience. But this has no relation to the machines which are us'd in an epic poem. In the last place, for the Dira, or flying pest, which, flapping on the shield of Turnus, and fluttering about his head, dishearten'd him in the duel, and presag'd to him his approaching death, I might have plac'd it more properly amongst the objections; for the critics who lay want of courage to the charge of Virgil's hero quote this passage as a main proof of their assertion. They say our author DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 49 had not only secur'd him before the duel, but also, in the beginning of it, had given him the advantage in impenetrable arms, and in his sword; for that of Turnus was not his own, which was forg'd by Vulcan for his father, but a weapon which he had snatch'd in haste, and by mistake, belonging to his charioteer Metiscus; that, after all this, Jupiter, who was partial to the Trojan, and distrustful of the event, tho' he had hung the balance, and given it a jog of his hand to weigh down Turnus, thought convenient to give the Fates a collateral security, by sending the screech owl to discourage him: for which they quote these words of Virgil: Non me tua turbida virtus Terrei, ail: dii me terrent, et Jupiter hostis. In answer to which, I say that this machine is one of those which the poet uses only for ornament, and not out of necessity. Nothing can be more beautiful or more poetical than his description of the three Dince, or the setting of the balance which our Milton has borrow'd from him, but employ 'd to a different end: for, first, he makes God Almighty set the scale for St. Gabriel and Satan, when he knew no combat was to follow; then he makes the good angel's scale descend, and the Devil's mount, quite contrary to Virgil, if I have translated the three verses according to my author's sense: Jupiter ipse duas aequato examine lances Sustinet; et fata im|X)nit diversa duorum; Quem damnet labor, et quo vergat pondere letum. For I have taken these words, quem damnet labor, in the sense which Virgil gives them in another place — damnabis tu quoque votis — to signify a prosperous event. Yet I dare not condemn so great a genius as Milton: for I am much mistaken if he alludes not to the text in Daniel, where Belshazzar was put into the balance and found too light. This is digression; and I return to my subject. I said above that these two machines of the balance and the Dira were only ornamental, and that the success of the duel had been the same without them. For, when yEneas and Turnus stood fronting each other before the altar, Turnus look'd dejected, and his color faded in his face, as if he desponded of the victory before the fight; and not only he, but all his party, when the strength of the two cham- 50 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL pions was judg'd by the proportion of their Umbs, concluded it was impar pugna, and that their chief was overmatch'd: whereupon Juturna (who was of the same opinion) took this opportunity to break the treaty and renew the war. Juno herself had plainly told the nymph beforehand that her brother was to fight Imparabus fatis, nee diis viribus zquis; so that there was no need of an apparition to fright Turnus: he had the presage within himself of his impending destiny. The Dira only serv'd to confirm him in his first opinion, that it was his destiny to die in the ensuing combat; and in this sense are those words of Virgil to be taken: Non me tua turbida virtus Terret, ait: dii me terrent, et Jupiter hostis. I doubt not but the adverb solum is to be understood : " *Tis not your valor only that gives me this concernment; but I find also, by this portent, that Jupiter is my enemy." For Turnus fled before, when his first sword was broken, till his sister suppHed him with a better; which indeed he could not use, because i£neas kept him at a distance with his spear. I wonder Ruxus saw not this, where he charges his author so unjustly, for giving Turnus a second sword to no purpose. How could he fasten a blow, or make a thrust, when he was not sufTer'd to approach? Besides, the chief errand of the Dira was to warn Juturna from the field, for she could have brought the chariot again, when she saw her brother worsted in the duel. I might farther add, that ^Eneas was so eager of the fight that he left the city, now almost in his possession, to decide his quarrel with Turnus by the sword; whereas Turnus had manifestly de- clin'd the combat, and suffer'd his sister to convey him as far from the reach of his enemy as she could. I say, not only sufler'd her, but consented to it; for 'tis plain he knew her, by these words: O soror, et dudum agnovi, cum prima per artem Fcedera turbasti, teque hzc in bella dedisti; Et nunc nequicquam failis dca. — I have dwelt so long on this subject, that I must contract what I have to say in reference to my translation, unless I would swell DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 5 1 my preface into a volume, and make it formidable to your Lordship, when you see so many pages yet behind. And indeed what I have already written, either in justification or praise of Virgil, is against myself, for presuming to copy, in my coarse English, the thoughts and beautiful expressions of this inimitable poet, who flourish'd in an age when his language was brought to its last perfection, for which it was particularly owing to him and Horace. I will give your Lordship my opinion, that those two friends had consulted each other's judgment, wherein they should endeavor to excel; and they seem to have pitch'd on propriety of thought, elegance of words, and harmony of numbers. Acording to this model, Horace writ his Odes and Epodes: for his Satires and Epistles, being intended wholly for instruction, requir'd another style: Ornari res ipsa negat, contenta doceri — and therefore, as he himself professes, are sermoni propiora, nearer prose than verse. But Virgil, who never attempted the lyric verse, is everywhere elegant, sweet, and flowing in his hexameters. His words are not only chosen, but the places in which he ranks them for the sound; he who removes them from the station wherein their master sets them, spoils the harmony. What he says of the Sibyl's prophecies may be as properly applied to every word of his: they must be read in order as they lie; the least breath discomposes them; and somewhat of their divinity is lost. I cannot boast that I have been thus exact in my verses; but I have endeavor'd to follow the example of my master, and am the first Englishman, perhaps, who made it his design to copy him in his numbers, his choice of words, and his placing them for the sweetness of the sound. On this last consideration I have shunn'd the caesura as much as possibly I could: for, wherever that is us'd, it gives a roughness to the verse; of which we can have little need in a language which is overstock'd with consonants. Such is not the Latin, where the vowels and consonants are mix'd in proportion to each other; yet Virgil judg'd the vowels to have somewhat of an over-balance, and therefore tempers their sweetness with caesuras. Such difference there is in tongues, that the same figure which roughens one, gives majesty to another; and that was it which Virgil studied in his 52 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL verses. Ovid uses it but rarely; and hence it is that his versification cannot so properly be call'd sweet, as luscious. The ItaUans are forc'd ufxjn it once or twice in every line, because they have a redundancy of vowels in their language. Their metal is so soft that it will not coin without alloy to harden it. On the other side, for the reason already nam'd.'tis all we can do to give sufficient sweetness to our language: we must not only choose our words for elegance, but for sound; to perform which, a mastery in the language is requir'd; the poet must have a magazine of words, and have the art to manage his few vowels to the best advantage, that they may go the farther. He must also know the nature of the vowels — which are more so- norous, and which more soft and sweet — and so dispose them as his present occasions require: all which, and a thousand secrets of versi- fication beside, he may learn from Virgil, if he will take him for his guide. If he be above Virgil, and is resolv'd to follow his own verve, (as the French call it,) the proverb will fall heavily upon him: "Who teaches himself, has a fool for his master." Virgil employ 'd eleven years upon his JEneis; yet he left it, as he thought himself, imperfect. Which when I seriously consider, I wish that, instead of three years, which I have spent in the trans- lation of his works, I had four years more allow'd me to correct my errors, that I might make my version somewhat more tolerable than it is: for a poet cannot have too great a reverence for his readers, if he expects his labors should survive him. Yet I will neither plead my age nor sickness, in excuse of the faults which I have made: that I wanted time, is all I have to say; for some of my subscribers grew so clamorous that I could no longer defer the publication. I hope, from the candor of your Lordship, and your often experienc'd goodness to me, that, if the faults are not too many, you will make allowances with Horace: Si plura nitent !n carmine, non ego paucis Offendar maculis, quas aut incuria fudit, Aut humana parum cavit natura. You may please also to observe, that there is not, to the best of my remembrance, one vowel gaping on another for want of a caesura, in this whole poem; but, where a vowel ends a word, the next begins either with a consonant, or what is its equivalent; for DEDICATION OF THE iENElS 53 our W and H aspirate, and our diphthongs, are plainly such. The greatest latitude I take is in the letter Y, when it concludes a word and the first syllable of the next begins with a vowel. Neither need I have call'd this a latitude, which is only an explanation of this general rule, that no vowel can be cut off before another when we cannot sink the pronunciation of it; as he, she, me, 1, &c. Virgil thinks it sometimes a beauty to imitate the license of the Greeks, and leave two vowels opening on each other, as in that verse of the Third Pastoral: £t succus pecori, et lac subducitur agnis. But, nobis non licet esse tarn disertis, at least if we study to refine our numbers. I have long had by me the materials of an English prosodia, containing all the mechanical rules of versification, wherein I have treated with some exactness of the feet, the quantities, and the pauses. The French and Italians know nothing of the two first; at least their best poets have not practic'd them. As for the pauses, Malherbe first brought them into France, within this last century; and we see how they adorn their Alexandrins. But, as Virgil pro- pounds a riddle, which he leaves unsolv'd: Die quibus in terris, inscripti nomina regum Nascantur flores; et Phyllida solus habeto; SO I will give your Lordship another, and leave the exposition of it to your acute judgment. I am sure there are few who make verses have observ'd the sweetness of these two lines in Cooper's Hill: The' deep, yet clear; the' gende, yet not dull; Strong without rage; without o'erflowing, full. And there are yet fewer who can find the reason of that sweetness. I have given it to some of my friends in conversation, and they have allow'd the criticism to be just. But, since the evil of false quantities is difficult to be cur'd in any modern language; since the French and the Italians, as well as we, are yet ignorant what feet are to be us'd in heroic poetry; since I have not strictly observ'd those rules myself which I can teach others; since I pretend to no dictatorship among my fellow poets; since, if I should instruct some of them to make well-running verses, they want genius to give .», 54 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL them strength as well as sweetness; and, above all, since your Lord- ship has advis'd me not to publish that little which I know, I look on your counsel as your command, which I shall observe inviolably, till you shall please to revoke it, and leave me at liberty to make my thoughts public. In the mean time, that I may arrogate nothing to myself, I must acknowledge that Virgil in Latin, and Spenser in English, have been my masters. Spenser has also given me the boldness to make use sometimes of his Alexandrin line, which we call, tho' improperly, the Pindaric, because Mr. Cowley has often employ 'd it in his Odes. It adds a certain majesty to the verse, when 'tis us'd with judgment, and stops the sense from overflowing into another line. Formerly the French, like us and the Italians, had but five feet, or ten syllables, in their heroic verse; but since Ronsard's time, as I suppose, they found their tongue too weak to support their epic poetry without the addition of another foot. That indeed has given it somewhat of the run and measure of a trimeter; but it runs with more activity than strength: their language is not strung with sinews, like our English. It has the nimbleness of a greyhound, but not the bulk and body of a mastiff. Our men and our verses overbear them by their weight; and pondere, non nttmero, is the British motto. The French have set up purity for the standard of their language; and a masculine vigor is that of ours. Like their tongue is the genius of their poets, light and trifling in comparison of the English; more proper for sonnets, madrigals, and elegies, than heroic poetry. The turn on thoughts and words is their chief talent, but the epic poem is too stately to receive those little ornaments. The painters draw their nymphs in thin and airy habits; but the weight of gold and of embroideries is reserv'd for queens and god- desses. Virgil is never frequent in those turns, like Ovid, but much more sparing of them in his /Eneis than in his Pastorals and Georgics. Ignoscenda quidem, scirent si ignoscere manes. That turn is beautiful indeed; but he employs it in the story of Orpheus and Eurydice, not in his great poem. I have us'd that license in his /Eneis sometimes, but I own it as my fault. 'Twas given to those who understand no better. 'Tis like Ovid's Semivirumque bovem, semibovemque virum. DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 55 The poet found it before his critics, but it was a darUng sin, which he would not be persuaded to reform. The want of genius, of which I have accus'd the French, is laid to their charge by one of their own great authors, tho' I have forgotten his name, and where I read it. If rewards could make good poets, their great master has not been wanting on his part in his bountiful encouragements; for he is wise enough to imitate Augustus, if he had a Maro. The triumvir and proscriber had descended to us in a more hideous form than they now appear, if the emperor had not taken care to make friends of him and Horace. I confess the banishment of Ovid was a blot in his escutcheon: yet he was only banish'd; and who knows but his crime was capital, and then his exile was a favor? Ariosto, who, with all his faults, must be acknowledg'd a great poet, has put these words into the mouth of an evangelist; but whether they will pass for gospel now, I cannot tell: Non fu si santo ni benigno Augusto, Come la tuba di Virgilio suona. L' haver havuto in poesia buon gusto, La proscrittione iniqua gli perdona. But heroic poetry is not of the growth of France, as it might be of England, if it were cultivated. Spenser wanted only to have read the rules of Bossu; for no man was ever born with a greater genius, or had more knowledge to support it. But the performance of the French is not equal to their skill; and hitherto we have wanted skill to perform better. Segrais, whose preface is so wonderfully good, yet is wholly destitute of elevation, tho' his version is much better than that of the two brothers, or any of the rest who have attempted Virgil. Hannibal Caro is a great name amongst the Ital- ians; yet his translation of the JEneis is most scandalously mean, tho' he has taken the advantage of writing in blank verse, and freed himself from the shackles of modern rhyme, (if it be modern; for Le Clerc has told us lately, and I believe has made it out, that David's Psalms were written in as errant rhyme as they are trans- lated.) Now, if a Muse cannot run when she is unfetter'd, 'tis a sign she has but little speed. I will not make a digression here, tho' I am strangely tempted to it; but will only say, that he who can write well in rhyme, may write better in blank verse. Rhyme 56 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL is certainly a constraint even to the best poets, and those who make it with most ease; tho' perhaps I have as little reason to complain that hardship as any man, excepting Quarles and Withers. What it adds to sweetness, it takes away from sense; and he who loses the least by it may be call'd a gainer. It often makes us swerve from an author's meaning; as, if a mark be set up for an archer at a great distance, let him aim as exactly as he can, the least wind will take his arrow, and divert it from the white. I return to our Italian translator of the JEneis. He is a foot-poet, he lackeys by the side of Virgil at the best, but never mounts behind him. Doctor Morelli, who is no mean critic in our poetry, and therefore may be presum'd to be a better in his own language, has confirm'd me in this opinion by his judgment, and thinks, withal, that he has often mistaken his master's sense. I would say so, if I durst, but am afraid I have committed the same fault more often, and more grossly; for I have forsaken Ruxus (whom generally I follow) in many places, and made expositions of my own in some, quite con- trary to him. Of which I will give but two examples, because they are so near each other, in the Tenth JEneid: Sorti pater zquus utrique. Pallas says it to Turnus, just before they fight. Ruxus thinks that the word pater is to be referr'd to Evander, the father of Pallas. But how could he imagine that it was the same thing to Evander, if his son were slain, or if he overcame? The poet certainly intended Jupiter, the common father of mankind; who, as Pallas hop'd, would stand an impartial spectator of the combat, and not be more favor- able to Turnus than to him. The second is not long after it, and both before the duel is begun. They are the words of Jupiter, who comforts Hercules for the death of Pallas, which was immediately to ensue, and which Hercules could not hinder, (tho' the young hero had address'd his prayers to him for his assistance,) because the gods cannot control destiny. — The verse follows: Sic ait; atque oculos Rutulorum rejicit arvis, which the same Ruarus thus construes: Jupiter, after he had said this, immediately turns his eyes to the Rutulian fields, and beholds the DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 57 duel. I have given this place another exposition, that he turn'd his eyes from the field of combat, that he might not behold a sight so unpleasing to him. The word rejicit, 1 know, will admit of both senses; but Jupiter having confess'd that he could not alter fate, and being griev'd he could not, in consideration of Hercules, it seems to me that he should avert his eyes, rather than take pleasure in the spectacle. But of this I am not so confident as the other, tho' I think I have follow'd Virgil's sense. What I have said, tho' it has the face of arrogance, yet is intended for the honor of my country; and therefore I will boldly own that this English translation has more of Virgil's spirit in it than either the French or the Italian. Some of our countrymen have translated episodes and other parts of Virgil with great success; as particularly your Lordship, whose version of Orpheus and Eurydice is eminently good. Amongst the dead authors, the Silenus of my Lord Roscom- mon cannot be too much commended. I say nothing of Sir John Denham, Mr. Waller, and Mr. Cowley; 'tis the utmost of my am- bition to be thought their equal, or not to be much inferior to them, and some others of the living. But 'tis one thing to take pains on a fragment, and translate it perfectly; and another thing to have the weight of a whole author on my shoulders. They who believe the burthen light, let them attempt the Fourth, Sixth or Eighth Pas- toral; the First or Fourth Georgic; and, amongst the /Eneids, the Fourth, the Ft]th, the Seventh, the "Ninth, the Tenth, the Eleventh, or the Twelfth; for in these I think I have succeeded best. Long before I undertook this work, I was no stranger to the original. I had also studied Virgil's design, his disposition of it, his manners, his judicious management of the figures, the sober re- trenchments of his sense, which always leaves somewhat to gratify our imagination, on which it may enlarge at pleasure; but, above all, the elegance of his expressions, and the harmony of his numbers. For, as I have said in a former dissertation, the words are in poetry what the colors are in painting. If the design be good, and the draught be true, the coloring is the first beauty that strikes the eye. Spenser and Milton are the nearest, in English, to Virgil and Horace in the Latin; and I have endeavor'd to form my style by imitating their masters. I will farther own to you, my Lord, that my chief 58 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL ambition is to please those readers who have discernment enough to prefer Virgil before any other poet in the Latin tongue. Such spirits as he desir'd to please, such would I choose for my judges, and would stand or fall by them alone. Segrais has distinguish'd the readers of poetry, according to their capacity of judging, into three classes; (he might have said the same of writers too, if he had pleas'd.) In the lowest form he places those whom he calls les petits esprits; such things as are our upper-gallery audience in a playhouse, who like nothing but the husk and rind of wit; prefer a quibble, a conceit, an epigram, before solid sense and elegant expression; these are mob readers. If Virgil and Martial stood for Parliament- men, we know already who would carry it. But, tho' they make the greatest appearance in the field, and cry the loudest, the best on't is, they are but a sort of French Huguenots, or Dutch boors, brought over in herds, but not naturaliz'd; who have not land of two pounds per annum in Parnassus, and therefore are not privileg'd to poll. Their authors are of the same level, fit to represent them on a mountebank's stage, or to be masters of the ceremonies in a bear garden. Yet these are they who have the most admirers. But it often happens, to their mortification, that, as their readers improve their stock of sense, (as they may by reading better books, and by conversation with men of judgment,) they soon forsake them; and when the torrent from the mountains falls no more, the swelling writer is reduc'd into his shallow bed, like the Man^anares at Madrid, with scarce water to moisten his own pebbles. There are a middle sort of readers, (as we hold there is a middle state of souls,) such as have a farther insight than the former, yet have not the capacity of judging right; for I speak not of those who are brib'd by a party, and know better, if they were not corrupted; but I mean a company of warm young men, who are not yet arriv'd so far as to discern the difference betwixt fustian, or ostentatious sentences, and the true sublime. These are above liking Martial, or Owen's Epigrams, but they would certainly set Virgil below Statius or Lucan. I need not say their poets are of the same paste with their admirers. They affect greatness in all they write; but 'tis a bladder'd greatness, like that of the vain man whom Seneca describes; an ill habit of body, full of humors, and swell'd with dropsy. Even these too desert DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 59 their authors, as their judgment ripens. The young gentlemen themselves are commonly misled by their paedagogue at school, their tutor at the university, or their governor in their travels. And many of those three sorts are the most positive blockheads in the world. How many of those flatulent writers have I known who have sunk in their reputation after seven or eight editions of their works! for indeed they are poets only for young men. They had great success at their first appearance; but, not being of God, as a wit said for- merly, they could not stand. I have already nam'd two sorts of judges; but Virgil wrote for neither of them: and, by his example, I am not ambitious of pleas- ing the lowest or the middle form of readers. He chose to please the most judicious, souls of the highest rank and truest understanding. These are few in number; but whoever is so happy as to gain their approbation can never lose it, because they never give it blindly. Then they have a certain magnetism in their judgment, which attracts others to their sense. Every day they gain some new proselyte, and in time become the Church. For this reason, a well-weigh'd judicious poem, which at its first appearance gains no more upon the world than to be just receiv'd, and rather not blam'd than much applauded, insinuates itself by insensible de- grees into the liking of the reader: the more he studies it, the more it grows upon him; every time he takes it up, he discovers some new graces in it. And whereas poems which are produc'd by the vigor of imagination only, have a gloss upon them at the first which time wears off, the works of judgment are like the diamond; the more they are polish'd,the more luster they receive. Such is the difference betwixt Virgil's /'Ends and Marini's Adone. And, if I may be al- low'd to change the metaphor, I would say that Virgil is like the Fame which he describes: Mobilitate viget, viresque acquirit cundo. Such a sort of reputation is my aim, tho' in a far inferior degree, according to my motto in the title-page: Sequiturque patrem non passibus aquis: and therefore I appeal to the highest court of judica- ture, like that of the peers, of which your Lordship is so great an ornament. 60 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL Without this ambition which I own, of desiring to please the ju- dices natos, I could never have been able to have done anything at this age, when the fire of poetry is commonly extinguish 'd in other men. Yet Virgil has given me the example of Entellus for my en- couragement: when he was well heated, the younger champion could not stand before him. And we find the elder contended not for the gift, but for the honor: nee dona moror. For Dampier has inform'd us, in his Voyages, that the air of the country which pro- duces gold is never wholesome. I had long since consider'd that the way to please the best judges is not to translate a poet literally, and Virgil least of any other. For, his peculiar beauty lying in the choice of words, I am excluded from it by the narrow compass of our heroic verse, unless I would make use of monosyllables only, and those clogg'd with consonants, which are the dead weight of our mother tongue. 'Tis {xjssible, I con- fess, tho' it rarely happens, that a verse of monosyllables may sound harmoniously; and some examples of it I have seen. My first Hne of the /Eneis is not harsh: Arms, and the man I sing, who, forc'd by fate, &c. But a much better instance may be given from the last line of Manilius, made English by our learned and judicious Mr. Creech: Nor could the world have borne so fierce a flame- where the many liquid consonants are plac'd so artfully that they give a pleasing sound to the words, tho' they are all of one syllable. 'Tis true, I have been sometimes forc'd upon it in other places of this work; but I never did it out of choice: I was either in haste, or Virgil gave me no occasion for the ornament of words; for it seldom hapjiens but a monosyllable line turns verse to prose; and even that prose is rugged and unharmonious. Philarchus, I remem- ber, taxes Balzac for placing twenty monosyllables in file, without one dissyllable betwixt them. The way I have taken is not so strait as metaphrase, nor so loose as paraphrase: some things too I have omitted, and sometimes have added of my own. Yet the omissions, I hope, are but of circumstances, and such as would have no grace in English; and the additions, I also hope, are easily deduc'd from Vir- DEDICATION OF THE iCNEIS 6 1 gil's sense. They will seem (at least I have the vanity to think so) not stuck into him, but growing out of him. He studies brevity more than any other poet; but he had the advantage of a language wherein much may be comprehended in a little space. We, and all the modern tongues, have more articles and pronouns, besides signs of tenses and cases, and other barbarities on which our speech is built by the faults of our forefathers. The Romans founded theirs upon the Greek: and the Greeks, we know, were laboring many hundred years upon their language before they brought it to perfec- tion. They rejected all those signs, and cut off as many articles as they could spare; comprehending in one word what we are con- strain'd to express in two; which is one reason why we cannot write so concisely as they have done. The word pater, for example, signi- fies not only a father, but your father, my father, his or her father, all included in a word. This inconvenience is common to all modern tongues; and this alone constrains us to employ more words than the ancients needed. But having before observ'd that Virgil endeavors to be short, and at the same time elegant, I pursue the excellence and forsake the brevity. For there he is like ambergris, a rich perfume, but of so close and glutinous a body that it must be open'd with inferior scents of musk or civet, or the sweetness will not be drawn out into another lan- guage. On the whole matter, I thought fit to steer betwixt the two ex- tremes of paraphrase and literal translation; to keep as near my author as I could, without losing all his graces, the most eminent of which are in the beauty of his words; and those words, I must add, are always figurative. Such of these as would retain their ele- gance in our tongue, I have endeavor'd to graff on it; but most of them are of necessity to be lost, because they will not shine in any way but their own. Virgil has sometimes two of them in a line; but the scantiness of our heroic verse is not capable of receiving more than one; and that too must expiate for many others which have none. Such is the difference of the languages, or such my want of skill in choosing words. Yet I may presume to say, and I hope with as much reason as the French translator, that, taking all the materials of this divine author, I have endeavor'd to make Virgil 62 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL speak such English as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in England, and in this present age. I acknowledge, with Se- grais, that I have not succeeded in this attempt according to my de- sire; yet I shall not be wholly without praise, if in some sort I may be ailow'd to have copied the clearness, the purity, the easiness, and the magnificence of his style. But I shall have occasion to speak farther on this subject before I end the preface. When I mention'd the Pindaric line, I should have added that I take another license in my verses; for I frequently make use of trip- let rhymes, and for the same reason, because they bound the sense. And therefore I generally join these two licenses together, and make the last verse of the triplet a Pindaric: for, besides the majesty which it gives, it confines the sense within the barriers of three lines, which would languish if it were lengthen'd into four. Spenser is my ex- ample for both these privileges of English verses; and Chapman has foUow'd him in his translation of Homer. Mr. Cowley has given in to them after both; and all succeeding writers after him. I regard them now as the Magna Charta of heroic poetry, and am too much an Englishman to lose what my ancestors have gain'd for me. Let the French and Italians value themselves on their regularity; strength and elevation are our standard. I said before, and I repeat it, that the affected purity of the French has unsinew'd their heroic verse. The language of an epic poem is almost wholly figurative; yet they are so fearful of a metaphor, that no example of Virgil can encourage them to be bold with safety. Sure they might warm themselves by that sprightly blaze, without approaching it so close as to singe their wings; they may come as near it as their master. Not that I would discourage that purity of diction in which he excels all other poets. But he knows how far to extend his franchises, and advances to the verge, without venturing a foot beyond it. On the other side, without being injurious to the memory of our English Pindar, I will presume to say that his metaphors are sometimes too violent, and his language is not always pure. But at the same time I must excuse him; for, thro' the iniquity of the times, he was forc'd to travel, at an age when, instead of learning foreign languages, he should have studied the beauties of his mother tongue, which, like all other speeches, is to be cultivated early, or we shall never write it with any kind of DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 63 elegance. Thus by gaining abroad he lost at home; like the painter in the Arcadia, who, going to see a skirmish, had his arms lopp'd ofl, and return'd, says Sir Philip Sidney, well instructed how to draw a battle, but without a hand to perform his work. There is another thing in which 1 have presum'd to deviate from him and Spenser. They both make hemistichs (or half verses) break- ing off in the middle of a line. I confess there are not many such in the Fairy Queen; and even those few might be occasion'd by his unhappy choice of so long a stanza. Mr. Cowley had found out that no kind of staff is proper for a heroic poem, as being all too lyrical; yet, tho' he wrote in couplets, where rhyme is freer from constraint, he frequently affects half verses; of which we find not one in Homer, and I think not in any of the Greek poets, or the Latin, excepting only Virgil; and there is no question but he thought he had Virgil's authority for that license. But I am confident our poet never meant to leave him, or any other, such a precedent; and I ground my opinion on these two reasons. First, we find no example of a hemistich in any of his Pastorals or Georgics; for he had given the last finishing strokes to both these poems; but his /Eneis he left so uncorrect, at least so short of that perfection at which he aim'd, that we know how hard a sentence he pass'd upon it. And, in the second place, I reasonably presume that he intended to have fill'd up all those hemistichs, because in one of them we find the sense imperfect: Quern tibi jam Troja — which some foolish grammarian has ended for him with a half line of nonsense: peperit fumante Creusa: for Ascanius must have been born some years before the burning of that city; which I need not prove. On the other side, we find also that he himself fill'd up one line in the Sixth /Eneid, the enthusiasm seizing him while he was reading to Augustus: Misenum i&)lidem, quo non przstantior alter itre ciere viros — to which he added, in that transport, Martemque accendere cantu: and never was any line more nobly finish'd; for the reasons which I have given in the Bool{ of Painting. On these considerations I have 64 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL shunn'd hemistichs; not being willing to imitate Virgil to a fault, like Alexander's courtiers, who affected to hold their necks awry, because he could not help it. I am confident your Lordship is by this time of my opinion, and that you will look on those half lines here- after as the imperfect products of a hasty Muse; like the frogs and serpents in the Nile; part of them kindled into life, and part a lump of unform'd, unanimated mud. I am sensible that many of my whole verses are as imperfect as those halves, for want of time to digest them better; but give me leave to make the excuse of Boccace, who, when he was upbraided that some of his novels had not the spirit of the rest, return'd this answer, that Charlemagne, who made the paladins, was never able to raise an army of them. The leaders may be heroes, but the multi- tude must consist of common men. I am also bound to tell your Lordship, in my own defense, that, from the beginning of the First Georgic to the end of the last /Endd, I found the difficulty of translation growing on me in every succeed- ing book: for Virgil, above all poets, had a stock, which I may call almost inexhaustible, of figurative, elegant, and sounding words. I, who inherit but a small portion of his genius, and write in a lan- guage so much inferior to the Latin, have found it very painful to vary phrases, when the same sense returns upon me. Even he him- self, whether out of necessity or choice, has often express'd the same thing in the same words, and often repeated two or three whole verses which he had us'd before. Words are not so easily coin'd as money; and yet we see that the credit not only of banks, but of ex- chequers, cracks, when little comes in and much goes out. Virgil call'd upon me in every line for some new word, and I paid so long, that I was almost bankrupt; so that the latter end must needs be more burdensome than the beginning or the middle; and, con- sequently, the Tweljth JEneid cost me double the time of the First and Second. What had become of me, if Virgil had tax'd me with another book? I had certainly been reduc'd to pay the public in hammer'd money, for want of mill'd; that is, in the same old words which I had us'd before; and the receivers must have been forc'd to have taken anything, where there was so little to be had. Besides this difficulty (with which I have struggled, and made a DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 65 shift to pass it over) there is one remaining, which is insuperable to all translators. We are bound to our author's sense, tho' with the latitudes already mention'd; for I think it not so sacred, as that one iota must not be added or diminish'd, on pain of an anathema. But slaves we are, and labor on another's man plantation; we dress the vineyard, but the wine is the owner's: if the soil be sometimes barren, then we are sure of being scourg'd; if it be fruitful, and our care succeeds, we are not thank'd; for the proud reader will only say the poor drudge has done his duty. But this is nothing to what follows; for, being oblig'd to make his sense intelligible, we are forc'd to untune our own verses, that we may give his meaning to the reader. He who invents is master of his thoughts and words; he can turn and vary them as he pleases, till he renders them harmonious. But the wretched translator has no such privilege; for, being tied to the thoughts, he must make what music he can in the expression; and for this reason it cannot always be so sweet as that of the original. There is a beauty of sound, as Segrais has observ'd, in some Latin words, which is wholly lost in any modern language. He instances in that mollis amaracus, on which Venus lays Cupid, in the First /Eneid. If I should translate it sweet marjoram, as the word signifies, the reader would think I had mistaken Virgil: for those village words, as I may call them, give us a mean idea of the thing; but the sound of the Latin is so much more pleasing, by the just mixture of the vowels with the consonants, that it raises our fancies to con- ceive somewhat more noble than a common herb, and to spread roses under him, and strew lilies over him; a bed not unworthy the grandson of the goddess. If I cannot copy his harmonious numbers, how shall I imitate his noble flights, where his thoughts and words are equally sublime ? Quern quisquis studet zmulari, czratis ope Dzdalea Nititur pennis, vitreo daturus Nomina ponto. What modern language, or what poet, can express the majestic beauty of this one verse, amongst a thousand others? Aude, hospes, contemnere opes, et te quoque dignum Finge dec. 66 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL For my part, I am lost in the admiration of it: I contemn the world when I think on it, and myself when I translate it. Lay by Virgil, I beseech your Lordship, and all my better sort of judges, when you take up my version; and it will appear a passable beauty when the original Muse is absent. But, like Spenser's false Florimel made of snow, it melts and vanishes when the true one comes in sight. I will not excuse, but justify myself for one pretended crime, with which I am liable to be charg'd by false critics, not only in this translation, but in many of my original poems — that I Latinize too much. 'Tis true that, when I find an English word significant and sounding, I neither borrow from the Latin or any other lan- guage; but, when I want at home, I must seek abroad. If sounding words are not of our growth and manufacture, who shall hinder me to import them from a foreign country ? I carry not out the treasure of the nation, which is never to return; but what I bring from Italy, I spend in England: here it remains, and here it circulates; for, if the coin be good, it will pass from one hand to another. I trade both with the living and the dead, for the enrich- ment of our native language. We have enough in England to supply our necessity; but, if we will have things of magnificence and splen- dor, we must get them by commerce. Poetry requires ornament; and that is not to be had from our old Teuton monosyllables: there- fore, if I find any elegant word in a classic author, I propose it to be naturaliz'd, by using it myself; and, if the public approves of it, the bill passes. But every man cannot distinguish betwixt pedantry and poetry: every man, therefore, is not fit to innovate. Upon the whole matter, a poet must first be certain that the word he would introduce is beautiful in the Latin; and is to consider, in the next place, whether it will agree with the English idiom. After this, he ought to take the opinion of judicious friends, such as are learned in both languages; and, lastly, since no man is infallible, let him use this license very sparingly; for, if too many foreign words are pour'd in upon us, it looks as if they were design 'd not to assist the natives, but to conquer them. I am now drawing towards a conclusion, and suspect your Lord- ship is very glad of it. But permit me first to own what helps I have had in this undertaking. The late Earl of Lauderdale sent me over DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS 67 his new translation of the ^neis, which he had ended before I ingag'd in the same design. Neither did I then intend it; but, some proposals being afterwards made me by my bookseller, I desir'd his Lordship's leave that I might accept them, which he freely granted; and I have his letter to shew for that permission. He resolv'd to have printed his work; which he might have done two years before I could publish mine; and had perform'd it, if death had not pre- vented him. But having his manuscript in my hands, I consulted it as often as I doubted of my author's sense; for no man understood Virgil better than that learned nobleman. His friends, I hear, have yet another and more correct copy of that translation by them, which had they pleas'd to have given the public, the judges must have been convinc'd that I have not flatter'd him. Besides this help, which was not inconsiderable, Mr. Congreve has done me the favor to review the /Eneis, and compare my version with the original. I shall never be asham'd to own that this excellent young man has shew'd me many faults, which I have endeavor'd to correct. *Tis true, he might have easily found more, and then my translation had been more perfect. Two other worthy friends of mine, who desire to have their names conceal'd, seeing me straiten'd in my time, took pity on me, and gave me the Li]e of Virgil, the two Prefaces to the Pastorals and the Georgics, and all the arguments in prose to the whole translation; which, fwrhaps, has caus'd a report that the two first poems are not mine. If it had been true that I had taken their verses for my own, I might have gloried in their aid; and, like Terence, have farther'd the opinion that Scipio and La^lius join'd with me. But the same style being continued thro' the whole, and the same laws of versifica- tion observ'd, are proofs sufficient that this is one man's work; and your Lordship is too well acquainted with my manner to doubt that any part of it is another's. That your Lordship may see I was in earnest when I promis'd to hasten to an end, I will not give the reasons why I writ not always in the proper term? of navigation, land service, or in the cant of any profession. I will only say that Virgil has avoided those proprieties, beci-use he writ not to mariners, soldiers, astronomers, gard'ners, peasants, &c., but to all in general, and in particular to men and 68 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL ladies of the first quality, who have been better bred than to be too nicely knowing in the terms. In such cases, 'tis enough for a poet to write so plainly, that he may be understood by his readers; to avoid impropriety, and not affect to be thought learn'd in all things. I have omitted the four preliminary lines of the First /Eneid, because I think them inferior to any four others in the whole poem, and consequently believe they are not Virgil's. There is too great a gap betwixt the adjective vicina in the second line, and the sub- stantive arva in the latter end of the third, which keeps his meaning in obscurity too long, and is contrary to the clearness of his style. Ut quamvis avidis is too ambitious an ornament to be his; and Gratum opus agricolis are all words unnecessary, and independent of what he said before. Horrentia Martis arma is worse than any of the rest. Horrentia is such a flat epithet as Tully would have given us in his verses. 'Tis a mere filler, to stop a vacancy in the hexameter, and connect the preface to the work of Virgil. Our author seems to sound a charge, and begins Uke the clangor of a trumpet: Arma virumque cano, Trojac qui primus ab oris — scarce a word without an r, and the vowels for the greater part sonorous. The prefacer began with llle ego, which he was con- strain'd to patch up in the fourth line with at nunc, to make the sense cohere; and if both those words are not notorious botches, I am much deceiv'd, tho' the French translator thinks otherwise. For my own part, I am rather of the opinion that they were added by Tucca and Varius, than retrench'd. I know it may be answer'd by such as think Virgil the author of the four lines, that he asserts his title to the /En«V in the beginning of this work, as he did to the two former in the last lines of the Fourth Georgic. I will not reply otherwise to this than by desiring them to compare these four lines with the four others, which we DEDICATION OF THE /ENEIS 69 know are his, because no poet but he alone could write them. If they cannot distinguish creeping from flying, let them lay down Virgil, and take up Ovid de Ponto in his stead. My master needed not the assistance of that preliminary poet to prove his claim. His own majestic mien discovers him to be the king, amidst a thousand courtiers. It was a superfluous office; and therefore I would not set those verses in the front of Virgil, but have rejected them to my own preface. I, who before, with shepherds in the groves. Sung to my oaten pipe their rural loves, And, issuing thence, compell'd the neighb'ring Held A plenteous crop of rising corn to yield, Manur'd the glebe, and stock'd the fruitful plain, (A poem grateful to the greedy swain) &c. If there be not a tolerable line in all these six, the prefacer gave me no occasion to write better. This is a just apology in this place, but I have done great wrong to Virgil in the whole translation. Want of time, the inferiority of our language, the inconvenience of rhyme, and all the other excuses I have made, may alleviate my fauh, but cannot justify the boldness of my undertaking. What avails it me to acknowledge freely that I have not been able to do him right in any line? For even my own confession makes against me; and it will always be return'd upon me: "Why then did you attempt it?" To which no other answer can be made, than that I have done him less injury than any of his former iibelers. What they call'd his picture had been drawn at length, so many times, by the daubers of almost all nations, and still so unlike him, that I snatch'd up the pencil with disdain, being satisfied beforehand that I could make some small resemblance of him, tho' I must be content with a worse likeness. A Sixth Pastoral, a Pharmaceutria, a single Orpheus, and some other features, have been exactly taken; but those holiday authors writ for pleasure, and only shew'd us what they could have done, if they would have taken pains to perform the whole. Be pleas'd, my Lord, to accept with your wonted goodness this unworthy present which I make you. I have taken off one trouble 70 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL from you, of defending it, by acknowledging its imperfections; and, tho' some part of them are cover'd in the verse, (as Erichthonius rode always in a chariot, to hide his lameness,) such of them as cannot be conceal'd, you will please to connive at, tho', in the strict- ness of your judgment, you cannot pardon. If Homer was allow'd to nod sometimes in so long a work, it will be no wonder if I often fall asleep. You took my Aureng-Zebe into your protection, with all his faults; and I hop>e here cannot be so many, because I translate an author who gives me such examples of correctness. What my jury may be, I know not; but 'tis good for a criminal to plead before a favorable judge. If I had said partial, would your Lordship have forgiven me? Or will you give me leave to acquaint the world that I have many times been oblig'd to your bounty since the Revolution? Tho' I never was reduc'd to beg a charity, nor ever had the im- pudence to ask one, either of your Lordship, or your noble kinsman the Earl of Dorset, much less of any other; yet, when I least expected it, you have both remember'd me. So inherent it is in your family not to forget an old servant. It locks rather like ingratitude on my part, that, where I have been so often oblig'd, I have appear'd so seldom to return my thanks, and where I was also so sure of being well receiv'd. Somewhat of laziness was in the case, and somewhat too of modesty, but nothing of disrespect or of unthankfulness. I will not say that your Lordship has encourag'd me to this presump- tion, lest, if my labors meet with no success in public, I may expose your judgment to be censur'd. As for my own enemies, I shall never think them worth an answer; and, if your Lordship has any, they will not dare to arraign you for want of knowledge in this art, till they can produce somewhat better of their own than your Essay on Poetry. 'Twas on this consideration that I have drawn out my preface to so great a length. Had I not address'd to a poet, and a critic of the first magnitude, I had myself been tax'd for want of judgment, and sham'd my patron for want of understanding. But neither will you, my Lord, so soon be tir'd as any other, because the discourse is on your art; neither will the learned reader think it tedious, because it is ad clerum. At least, when he begins to be weary, the church doors are open. That I may pursue the allegory with a short prayer after a long sermon: DEDICATION OF THE iENEIS Jl May you live happily and long, for the service of your country, the encouragement of good letters, and the ornament of poetry; which cannot be wish'd more earnestly by any man, than by Your Lordship's most humble, Most oblig'd, and most obedient Servant, John Dryden. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE MNEIS The Argument. — ^Thc Trojans, after a seven years' voyage, set sail for Italy, but are overtaken by a dreadful storm, which ytoius raises at Juno's request. The tempest sinks one, and scatters the resL Neptune drives oH the Winds, and calms the sea. JEoea, with his own ship, and six more, arrives safe at an African port. Venus complains to Jupiter of her son's misfortunes. Jupiter comforts her, and sends Mercury to procure him a kind reception among the Carthaginians. j£neas, going out to discover the country, meets his mother in the shape of an huntress, who conveys him in a cloud to Carthage, where he sees his friends whom he thought lost, and re- ceives a kind entertainment from the queen. Dido, by a device of Venus, begins to have a passion for him, and, after some discourse with him, desires the history o£ his adventures since the siege of Troy, which is the subject of the two following books. A RMS, and the man I sing, who, forc'd by fate, /\ And haughty Juno's unrelenting hate, ^^ _^ Expell'd and exil'd, left the Trojan shore. Long labors, both by sea and land, he bore, And in the doubtful war, before he won The Latian realm, and built the destin'd town; His banish'd gods restor'd to rites divine. And settled sure succession in his line. From whence the race of Alban fathers come. And the long glories of majestic Rome. O Muse! the causes and the crimes relate; What goddess was provok'd, and whence her hate; For what oflense the Queen of Heav'n began To persecute so brave, so just a man; Involv'd his anxious life in endless cares, Expos'd to wants, and hurried into wars! Can heav'nly minds such high resentment show, Or exercise their spite in human woe.' Against the Tiber's mouth, but far away. An ancient town was seated on the sea; A Tyrian colony; the people made Stout for the war, and studious of their trade: Carthage the name; belov'd by Juno more Than her own Argos, or the Samian shore. 73 74 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL Here stood her chariot; here, if Heav'n were kind, The seat of awful empire she design'd. Yet she had heard an ancient rumor fly, (Long cited by the people of the sky,) That times to come should see the Trojan race Her Carthage ruin, and her tow'rs deface; Nor thus confin'd, the yoke of sov'reign sway Should on the necks of all the nations lay. She ponder'd this, and fear'd it was in fate; Nor could forget the war she wag'd of late For conqu'ring Greece against the Trojan state. Besides, long causes working in her mind, And secret seeds of envy, lay behind; Deep graven in her heart the doom remain'd Of partial Paris, and her form disdain'd; The grace bestow'd on ravish'd Ganymed, Electra's glories, and her injur'd bed. Each was a cause alone; and all combin'd To kindle vengeance in her haughty mind. For this, far distant from the Latian coast She drove the remnants of the Trojan host; And sev'n long years th' unhappy wand'ring train Were toss'd by storms, and scatter'd thro' the main. Such time, such toil, requir'd the Roman name, Such length of labor for so vast a frame. Now scarce the Trojan fleet, with sails and oars. Had left behind the fair Sicilian shores, Ent'ring with cheerful shouts the wat'ry reign. And plowing frothy furrows in the main; When, lab'ring still with endless discontent, The Queen of Heav'n did thus her fury vent: "Then am I vanquish'd? must I yield?" said she, "And must the Trojans reign in Italy? So Fate will have it, and Jove adds his force; Nor can my pow'r divert their happy course. Could angry Pallas, with revengeful spleen. The Grecian navy burn, and drown the men? She, for the fault of one offending foe, TTie bolts of Jove himself presum'd to throw: With whirlwinds from beneath she toss'd the ship. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 75 And bare expos'd the bosom of the deep; Then, as an eagle gripes the trembling game, The wretch, yet hissing with her father's flame. She strongly seiz'd, and with a burning wound Transfix'd, and naked, on a rock she bound. But I, who walk in awful state above. The majesty of heav'n, the sister wife of Jove, For length of years my fruitless force employ Against the thin remains of ruin'd Troy! What nations now to Juno's pow'r will pray. Or off'rings on my slighted altars lay?" Thus rag'd the goddess; and, with fury fraught, The restless regions of the storms she sought. Where, in a spacious cave of living stone. The tyrant /Eolus, from his airy throne, With pow'r im[>erial curbs the struggling winds. And sounding tempests in dark prisons binds. This way and that th' impatient captives tend. And, pressing for release, the mountains rend. High in his hall th' undaunted monarch stands. And shakes his scepter, and their rage commands; Which did he not, their unresisted sway Would sweep the world before them in their way; Earth, air, and seas thro' empty space would roll, And heav'n would fly before the driving soiJ. In fear of this, the Father of the Gods Confin'd their fury to those dark abodes, And lock'd 'em safe within, oppress'd with mountain loads; Impos'd a king, with arbitrary sway. To loose their fetters, or their force allay. To whom the suppliant queen her pray'rs address'd. And thus the tenor of her suit express'd: "O iEolus! for to thee the King of Heav'n The pow'r of tempests and of winds has giv'n; Thy force alone their fury can restrain. And smooth the waves, or swell the troubled main — A race of wand'ring slaves, abhorr'd by me. With prosp'rous passage cut the Tuscan sea; To fruitful Italy their course they steer, 76 DRYDENS TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL And for their vanquish'd gods design new temples there Raise all thy winds; with night involve the skies; Sink or disperse my fatal enemies. Twice sev'n, the charming daughters of the main, Around my person wait, and bear my train: Succeed my wish, and second my design; The fairest, Deiopeia, shall be thine. And make thee father of a happy line." To this the god: " 'Tis yours, O queen, to will The work which duty binds me to fulfil. These airy kingdoms, and this wide command, Are all the presents of your bounteous hand : Yours is my sov 'reign's grace; and, as your guest. I sit with gods at their celestial feast; Raise tempxjsts at your pleasure, or subdue; Dispose of empire, which 1 hold from you." He said, and hurl'd against the mountain side His quiv'ring spear, and all the god applied. The raging winds rush thro' the hollow wound. And dance aloft in air, and skim along the ground; Then, settling on the sea, the surges sweep, Raise liquid mountains, and disclose the deep. South, East, and West with mix'd confusion roar. And roll the foaming billows to the shore. The cables crack; the sailors' fearful cries Ascend; and sable night involves the skies; And heav'n itself is ravish'd from their eyes. Loud peals of thunder from the poles ensue; Then flashing fires the transient light renew; The face of things a frightful image bears. And present death in various forms appears. Struck with unusual fright, the Trojan chief, With lifted hands and eyes, invokes relief; And, "Thrice and four times happy those," he cried, "That under Ilian walls before their parents died! Tydides, bravest of the Grecian train! Why could not I by that strong arm be slain. And lie by noble Hector on the plain, Or great Sarpedon, in those bloody fields Where Simois rolls the bodies and the shields THE FIRST BCXJK OF THE ^ENEIS 77 Of heroes, whose dismember'd hands yet bear The dart aloft, and clench the pointed spear!" Thus while the pious prince his fate bewails, Fierce Boreas drove against his flying sails. And rent the sheets; the raging billows rise, And mount the tossing vessel to the skies: Nor can the shiv'ring oars sustain the blow; The galley gives her side, and turns her prow; While those astern, descending down the steep. Thro' gaping waves behold the boiling deep. Three ships were hurried by the southern blast, And on the secret shelves with fury cast. Those hidden rocks th' Ausonian sailors knew: They call'd them Altars, when they rose in view, And show'd their spacious backs above the flood. Three more fierce Eurus, in his angry mood, Dash'd on the shallows of the moving sand. And in mid ocean left them moor'd aland. Orontes' bark, that bore the Lycian crew, (A horrid sight!) ev'n in the hero's view. From stem to stern by waves was overborne: The trembling pilot, from his rudder torn, Was headlong hurl'd; thrice round the ship was toss'd. Then bulg'd at once, and in the deep was lost; And here and there above the waves were seen Arms, pictures, precious goods, and floating men. The stoutest vessel to the storm gave way. And suck'd thro' loosen'd planks the rushing sea. Ilioncus was her chief: Alethes old, Achates faithful. Abas young and bold, Endur'd not less; their ships, with gaping seams, Admit the deluge of the briny streams. Meantime imperial Neptune heard the sound Of raging billows breaking on the ground. Displeas'd, and fearing for his wat'ry reign. He rear'd his awful head above the main. Serene in majesty; then roll'd his eyes Around the space of earth, and seas, and skies. He saw the Trojan fleet dispers'd, distress'd. By stormy winds and wintry heav'n oppress'd. 78 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL Full well the god his sister's envy knew, And what her aims and what her arts pursue. He summon 'd Eurus and the western blast, And first an angry glance on both he cast; Then thus rebuk'd: "Audacious winds! from whence This bold attempt, this rebel insolence? Is it for you to ravage seas and land, Unauthoriz'd by my supreme command? To raise such mountains on the troubled main? Whom I — but first 'tis fit the billows to restrain; And then you shall be taught obedience to my reign. Hence! to your lord my royal mandate bear — The realms of ocean and the fields of air Are mine, not his. By fatal lot to me The liquid empire fell, and trident of the sea. His pow'r to hollow caverns is confin'd: There let him reign, the jailer of the wind. With hoarse commands his breathing subjects call. And boast and bluster in his empty hall." He spoke; and, while he spoke, he smooth'd the sea, Dispell'd the darkness, and restor'd the day. Cymothoe, Triton, and the sea-green train Of beauteous nymphs, the daughters of the main. Clear from the rocks the vessels with their hands: The god himself with ready trident stands. And opes the deep, and spreads the moving sands; Then heaves them off the shoals. Where'er he guides His finny coursers and in triumph rides, The waves unrufile and the sea subsides. As, when in tumults rise th' ignoble crowd. Mad are their motions, and their tongues are loud; And stones and brands in rattling volleys fly. And all the rustic arms that fury can supply: If then some grave and pious man appear. They hush their noise, and lend a list'ning ear; He soothes with sober words their angry mood. And quenches their innate desire of blood: So, when the Father of the Flood appears, And o'er the seas his sov 'reign trident rears, Their fury falls: he skims the liquid plains. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ^NEIS 7< High on his chariot, and, with loosen'd reins, Majestic moves along, and awful peace maintains. The weary Trojans ply their shatter'd oars To nearest land, and make the Libyan shores. Within a long recess there lies a bay: An island shades it from the rolling sea. And forms a port secure for ships to ride; Broke by the jutting land, on cither side. In double streams the briny waters glide. Betwixt two rows of rocks a sylvan scene Appears above, and groves for ever green: A grot is form'd beneath, with mossy seats. To rest the Nereids, and exclude the heats. Down thro' the crannies of the living walls The crystal streams descend in murm'ring falls: No haulsers need to bind the vessels here. Nor bearded anchors; for no storms they fear. Sev'n ships within this happy harbor meet. The thin remainders of the scatter'd fleet. The Trojans, worn with toils, and spent with woes. Leap on the welcome land, and seek their wish'd repose. First, good Achates, with repeated strokes Of clashing Hints, their hidden fire provokes: Short flame succeeds; a bed of wither'd leaves The dying sp>arkles in their fall receives: Caught into life, in fiery fumes they rise, And, fed with stronger food, invade the skies. The Trojans, dropping wet, or stand around The cheerful blaze, or lie along the ground: Some dry their corn, infected with the brine. Then grind with marbles, and prepare to dine, i^neas climbs the mountain's airy brow, And takes a prospect of the seas below. If Capys thence, or Antheus he could spy. Or see the streamers of Caicus fly. No vessels were in view; but, on the plain, Three beamy stags command a lordly train Of branching heads: the more ignoble throng Attend their stately steps, and slowly graze along. He stood; and, while secure they fed below. 8o DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL He took the quiver and the trusty bow Achates us'd to bear: the leaders first He laid along, and then the vulgar pierc'd; Nor ceas'd his arrows, till the shady plain Sev'n mighty bodies with their blood distain. For the sev'n ships he made an equal share, And to the port return'd, triumphant from the war. The jars of gen'rous wine (Acestes' gift, When his Trinacrian shores the navy left) He set abroach, and for the feast prepar'd. In equal portions with the ven'son shar'd. Thus while he dealt it round, the pious chief With cheerful words allay'd the common grief: "Endure, and conquer! Jove will soon dispose To future good our past and present woes. With me, the rocks of Scylla you have tried; Th' inhuman Cyclops and his den defied. What greater ills hereafter can you bear.' Resume your courage and dismiss your care, An hour will come, with pleasure to relate Your sorrows past, as benefits of Fate. Thro' various hazards and events, we move To Latium and the realms foredoom'd by Jove. Call'd to the seat (the promise of the skies) Where Trojan kingdoms once again may rise, Endure the hardships of your present state; Live, and reserve yourselves for better fate." These words he spoke, but spoke not from his heart; His outward smiles conceal'd his inward smart. The jolly crew, unmindful of the past, The quarry share, their plenteous dinner haste. Some strip the skin; some portion out the spwil; The limbs, yet trembling, in the caldrons boil; Some on the fire the reeking entrails broil. Stretch'd on the grassy turf, at ease they dine. Restore their strength with meat, and cheer their souls with wine. Their hunger thus appeas'd, their care attends The doubtful fortune of their absent friends: Alternate hopes and fears their minds possess. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 8l Whether to deem 'em dead, or in distress. Above the rest, /Eneas mourns the fate Of brave Orontes, and th' uncertain state Of Gyas, Lycus, and of Amycus. The day, but not their sorrows, ended thus. When, from aloft, almighty Jove surveys Earth, air, and shores, and navigable seas. At length on Libyan realms he fix'd his eyes — Whom, pond'ring thus on human miseries, When Venus saw, she with a lowly look. Not free from tears, her heav'nly sire bespoke: "O King of Gods and Men! whose awful hand Disperses thunder on the seas and land, Disposing all with absolute command; How could my pious son thy pow'r incense? Or what, alas! is vanish 'd Troy's offense? Our hope of Italy not only lost. On various seas by various temjjests toss'd. But shut from ev'ry shore, and barr'd from ev'ry coast. You promis'd once, a progeny divine Of Romans, rising from the Trojan line, In after times should hold the world in awe. And to the land and ocean give the law. How is your doom revers'd, which eas'd my care When Troy was ruin'd in that cruel war? Then fates to fates I could oppose; but now. When Fortune still pursues her former blow. What can I hope? What worse can still succeed? What end of labors has your will decreed ? Antenor, from the midst of Grecian hosts, Could pass secure, and pierce th' Illyrian coasts. Where, rolling down the steep, Timavus raves And thro' nine channels disembogues his waves. At length he founded Padua's happy seat. And gave his Trojans a secure retreat; There fix'd their arms, and there renew'd their name. And there in quiet rules, and crown'd with fame. But we, descended from your sacred line, Entided to your heav'n and rites divine. Are banish'd earth; and, for the wrath of one. 82 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL Remov'd from Latium and the promis'd throne. Are these our scepters? these our due rewards? And is it thus that Jove his plighted faith regards?" To whom the Father of th' immortal race. Smiling with that serene indulgent face, With which he drives the clouds and clears the skies, First gave a holy kiss; then thus replies: "Daughter, dismiss thy fears; to thy desire The fates of thine are fix'd, and stand entire. Thou shalt behold thy wish'd Lavinian walls; And, ripe for heav'n, when fate iEncas calls. Then shalt thou bear him up, sublime, to me: No councils have revers'd my firm decree. And, lest new fears disturb thy happy state. Know, I have search'd the mystic rolls of Fate: Thy son (nor is th' appointed season far) In Italy shall wage successful war. Shall tame fierce nations in the bloody field. And sov'reign laws impwse, and cities build, Till, after ev'ry foe subdued, the sun Thrice thro' the signs his annual race shall run: This is his time prefix'd. Ascanius then. Now call'd liilus, shall begin his reign. He thirty rolling years the crown shall wear. Then from Lavinium shall the seat transfer, And, with hard labor, Alba Longa build. The throne with his succession shall be fiU'd Three hundred circuits more: then shall be seen Ilia the fair, a priestess and a queen. Who, full of Mars, in time, with kindly throes. Shall at a birth two goodly boys disclose. The royal babes a tawny wolf shall drain: Then Romulus his grandsire's throne shall gain. Of martial tow'rs the founder shall become. The people Romans call, the city Rome. To them no bounds of empire I assign, Nor term of years to their immortal line. Ev'n haughty Juno, who, with endless broils. Earth, seas, and heav'n, and Jove himself turmoils; At length aton'd, her friendly pow'r shall join, THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ^NEIS 83 To cherish and advance the Trojan line. The subject world shall Rome's dominion own, And, prostrate, shall adore the nation of the gown. An age is ripening in revolving fate When Troy shall overturn the Grecian state, And sweet revenge her conqu'ring sons shall call. To crush the jjeople that conspir'd her fall. Then Czsar from the Julian stock shall rise. Whose empire ocean, and whose fame the skies Alone shall bound; whom, fraught with eastern spoils, Our heav'n, the just reward of human toils, Securely shall repay with rites divine; And incense shall ascend before his sacred shrine. Then dire debate and impious war shall cease. And the stern age be soften'd into peace: Then banish'd Faith shall once again return, And Vestal fires in hallow'd temples burn; And Remus with Quirinus shall sustain The righteous laws, and fraud and force restrain. Janus himself before his fane shall wait. And keep the dreadful issues of his gate. With bolts and iron bars: within remains Imprison'd Fury, bound in brazen chains; High on a trophy rais'd, of useless arms. He sits, and threats the world with vain alarms." He said, and sent Cyllenius with command To free the ports, and ope the Punic land To Trojan guests; lest, ignorant of fate. The queen might force them from her town and state. Down from the steep of heav'n Cyllenius flies. And cleaves with all his wings the yielding skies. Soon on the Libyan shore descends the god. Performs his message, and displays his rod: The surly murmurs of the people cease; And, as the fates requir'd, they give the peace: The queen herself suspends the rigid laws, The Trojans pities, and protects their cause. Meantime, in shades of night /Eneas lies: Care seiz'd his soul, and sleep forsook his eyes. But, when the sun restor'd the cheerful day. 84 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL He rose, the coast and country to survey. Anxious and eager to discover more. It look'd a wild uncultivated shore; But, whether humankind, or beasts alone Possess'd the new-found region, was unknown. Beneath a ledge of rocks his fleet he hides: Tall trees surround the mountain's shady sides; The bending brow above a safe retreat provides. Arm'd with two pointed darts, he leaves his friends, And true Achates on his steps attends. Lo! in the deep recesses of the wood. Before his eyes his goddess mother stood: A huntress in her habit and her mien; Her dress a maid, her air confess'd a queen. Bare were her knees, and knots her garments bind; Loose was her hair, and wanton'd in the wind; Her hand sustain'd a bow; her quiver hung behind. She seem'd a virgin of the Spartan blood: With such array Harpalyce bestrode Her Thracian courser and outstripp'd the rapid flood. "Ho, strangers! have you lately seen," she said, "One of my sisters, like myself array 'd. Who cross'd the lawn, or in the forest stray'd? A painted quiver at her back she bore; Varied with spots, a lynx's hide she wore; And at full cry pursued the tusky boar." Thus Venus: thus her son replied again: "None of your sisters have we heard or seen, O virgin! or what other name you bear Above that style — O more than mortal fair! Your voice and mien celestial birth betray! If, as you seem, the sister of the day. Or one at least of chaste Diana's train, Let not an humble suppliant sue in vain; But tell a stranger, long in tempests toss'd. What earth we tread, and who commands the coast.' Then on your name shall wretched mortals call, And ofler'd victims at your altars fall." "I dare not," she replied, "assume the name Of goddess, or celestial honors claim: THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 85 For Tyrian virgins bows and quivers bear, And purple buskins o'er their ankles wear. Know, gentle youth, in Libyan lands you are — A people rude in peace, and rough in war. The rising city, which from far you see, Is Carthage, and a Tyrian colony. Phccnician Dido rules the growing state. Who fled from Tyre, to shun her brother's hate. Great were her wrongs, her story full of fate; Which I will sum in short. SichsEus, known For wealth, and brother to the Punic throne, Possess'd fair Dido's bed; and either heart At once was wounded with an equal dart. Her father gave her, yet a spotless maid; Pygmalion then the Tyrian scepter sway'd: One who contemn'd divine and human laws. Then strife ensued, and cursed gold the cause. The monarch, blinded with desire of wealth. With steel invades his brother's life by stealth; Before the sacred altar made him bleed. And long from her conceal'd the cruel deed. Some tale, some new pretense, he daily coin'd. To soothe his sister, and delude her mind. At length, in dead of night, the ghost appears Of her unhappy lord: the specter stares. And, with erected eyes, his bloody bosom bares. The cruel altars and his fate he tells. And the dire secret of his house reveals. Then warns the widow, with her household gods. To seek a refuge in remote abodes. Last, to support her in so long a way. He shows her where his hidden treasure lay. Admonish'd thus, and seiz'd with mortal fright. The queen provides companions of her flight: They meet, and all combine to leave the state. Who hate the tyrant, or who fear his hate. They seize a fleet, which ready rigg'd they find; Nor is Pygmalion's treasure left behind. The vessels, heavy laden, put to sea With prosp'rous winds; a woman leads the way. 86 DRYDEN's translation of VIRGIL I know not, if by stress of weather driv'n, Or was their fatal course dispos'd by Heav'n; At last they landed, where from far your eyes May view the turrets of new Carthage rise; There bought a space of ground, which (Byrsa call'd. From the bull's hide) they first inclos'd, and wall'd. But whence are you? what country claims your birth? What seek you, strangers, on our Libyan earth?" To whom, with sorrow streaming from his eyes, And deeply sighing, thus her son replies: "Could you with patience hear, or I relate, O nymph, the tedious annals of our fate! Thro' such a train of woes if I should run. The day would sooner than the tale be done! From ancient Troy, by force expell'd, we came — If you by chance have heard the Trojan name. On various seas by various tempests toss'd, At length we landed on your Libyan coast. The good itneas am I call'd — a name. While Fortune favor'd, not unknown to fame. My household gods, companions of my woes. With pious care I rescued from our foes. To fruitful Italy my course was bent; And from the King of Heav'n is my descent. With twice ten sail I cross'd the Phrygian sea; Fate and my mother goddess led my way. Scarce sev'n, the thin remainders of my fleet. From storms preserv'd, within your harbor meet. Myself distress'd, an exile, and unknown, Debarr'd from Europe, and from Asia thrown, In Libyan desarts wander thus alone." His tender parent could no longer bear; But, interjx)sing, sought to soothe his care. "Whoe'er you are — not unbelov'd by Heav'n, Since on our friendly shore your ships are driv'n — Have courage: to the gods permit the rest. And to the queen expose your just request. Now take this earnest of success, for more: Your scatter *d fleet is join'd upon the shore; The winds are chang'd, your friends from danger free; THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 87 Or I renounce my skill in augury. Twelve swans behold in beauteous order move, And stoop with closing pinions from above; Whom late the bird of Jove had driv'n along. And thro' the clouds pursued the scatt'ring throng; Now, all united in a goodly team, They skim the ground, and seek the quiet stream. As they, with joy returning, clap their wings, And ride the circuit of the skies in rings; Not otherwise your ships, and ev'ry friend. Already hold the port, or with swift sails descend. No more advice is needful; but pursue The path before you, and the town in view." Thus having said, she turn'd, and made apf>ear Her neck refulgent, and dishevel'd hair. Which, flowing from her shoulders, reach'd the ground. And widely spread ambrosial scents around: In length of train descends her sweeping gown; And, by her graceful walk, the Queen of Love is known. The prince pursued the parting deity With words like these: "Ah! whither do you fly? Unkind and cruel! to deceive your son In borrow 'd shapes, and his embrace to shun; Never to bless my sight, but thus unknown; And still to speak in accents not your own." Against the goddess these complaints he made, But took the path, and her commands obey'd. They march, obscure; for Venus kindly shrouds With mists their persons, and involves in clouds, That, thus unseen, their passage none might stay, Or force to tell the causes of their way. This part perform'd, the goddess flies sublime To visit Paphos and her native clime; Where garlands, ever green and ever fair. With vows are ofler'd, and with solemn pray'r: A hundred altars in her temple smoke; A thousand bleeding hearts her pow'r invoke. They climb the next ascent, and, looking down, Now at a nearer distance view the town. The prince with wonder sees the stately tow'rs. 88 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL Which late were huts and shepherds' homely bow'rs, The gates and streets; and hears, from ev'ry part, The noise and busy concourse of the mart. The toiling Tyrians on each other call To ply their labor: some extend the wall; Some build the citadel; the brawny throng Or dig, or push unwieldy stones along. Some for their dwellings choose a sjxjt of ground. Which, first design'd, with ditches they surround. Some laws ordain; and some attend the choice Of holy senates, and elect by voice. Here some design a mole, while others there Lay deep foundations for a theater; From marble quarries mighty columns hew, For ornaments of scenes, and future view. Such is their toil, and such their busy pains. As exercise the bees in flow'ry plains. When winter past, and summer scarce begun. Invites them forth to labor in the sun; Some lead their youth abroad, while some condense Their liquid store, and some in cells dispense; Some at the gate stand ready to receive The golden burthen, and their friends relieve; All with united force, combine to drive The lazy drones from the laborious hive: With envy stung, they view each other's deeds; The fragrant work with diligence proceeds. "Thrice happy you, whose walls already rise!" ^neas said, and view'd, with lifted eyes. Their lofty tow'rs; then, ent'ring at the gate. Conceal 'd in clouds (prodigious to relate) He mix'd, unmark'd, among the busy throng. Borne by the tide, and pass'd unseen along. Full in the center of the town there stood. Thick set with trees, a venerable wood. The Tyrians, landing near this holy ground, And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found: From under earth a courser's head they drew. Their growth and future fortune to foreshew. This fated sign their foundress Juno gave, THE FIRST BOOK OF THE /ENEIS 89 Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave. Sidonian Dido here with solemn state Did Juno's temple build, and consecrate, Enrich'd with gifts, and with a golden shrine; But more the goddess made the place divine. On brazen steps the marble threshold rose, And brazen plates the cedar beams inclose: The rafters are with brazen cov'rings crown'd; The lofty doors on brazen hinges sound. What first /tneas in this place beheld, Reviv'd his courage, and his fear expell'd. For while, expecting there the queen, he rais'd His wond'ring eyes, and round the temple gaz'd, Admir'd the fortune of the rising town. The striving artists, and their arts' renown; He saw, in order painted on the wall, Whatever did unhappy Troy befall: The wars that fame around the world had blown, All to the life, and ev'ry leader known. There Agamemnon, Priam here, he spies, And fierce Achilles, who both kings defies. He stopp'd, and weeping said: "O friend! ev'n here The monuments of Trojan woes appear! Our known disasters fill ev'n foreign lands: See there, where old unhappy Priam stands! Ev'n the mute walls relate the warrior's fame. And Trojan griefs the Tyrians' pity claim." He said (his tears a ready passage find). Devouring what he saw so well design'd, And with an empty picture fed his mind: For there he saw the fainting Grecians yield. And here the trembling Trojans quit the field. Pursued by fierce Achilles thro' the plain. On his high chariot driving o'er the slain. The tents of Rhesus next his grief renew. By their white sails betray'd to nightly view; And wakeful Diomcde, whose cruel sword The sentries slew, nor spar'd their slumb'ring lord. Then took the fiery steeds, ere yet the food Of Troy they taste, or drink the Xanthian flood. .»_ 90 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL Elsewhere he saw where Troilus defied Achilles, and unequal combat tried; Then, where the boy disartn'd, with loosen'd reins, Was by his horses hurried o'er the plains. Hung by the neck and hair, and dragg'd around: The hostile spear, yet sticking in his wound. With tracks of blood inscrib'd the dusty ground. Meantime the Trojan dames, oppress'd with woe, To Pallas' fane in long procession go, In hopes to reconcile their heav'nly foe. They weep, they beat their breasts, they rend their hair, And rich embroider'd vests for presents bear; But the stern goddess stands unmov'd with pray'r. Thrice round the Trojan walls Achilles drew The corpse of Hector, whom in fight he slew. Here Priam sues; and there, for sums of gold. The lifeless body of his son is sold. So sad an object, and so well cxpress'd. Drew sighs and groans from the griev'd hero's breast, To see the figure of his lifeless friend. And his old sire his helpless hand extend. Himself he saw amidst the Grecian train, Mix'd in the bloody battle on the plain; And swarthy Memnon in his arms he knew, His pompous ensigns, and his Indian crew. Penthisilea there, with haughty grace, Leads to the wars an Amazonian race. In their right hands a [>ointed dart they wield; The left, for ward, sustains the lunar shield. Athwart her breast a golden belt she throws. Amidst the press alone provokes a thousand foes. And dares her maiden arms to manly force oppose. Thus while the Trojan prince employs his eyes, Fix'd on the walls with wonder and surprise. The beauteous Dido, with a num'rous train And pomp of guards, ascends the sacred fane. Such on Eurotas' banks, or Cynthus' height, Diana seems; and so she charms the sight. When in the dance the graceful goddess leads The choir of nymphs, and overtops their heads: THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 9I Known by her quiver, and her lofty mien, She walks majestic, and she looks their queen; Latona sees her shine above the rest, And feeds with secret joy her silent breast. Such Dido was; with such becoming state. Amidst the crowd, she walks serenely great. Their labor to her future sway she speeds, And passing with a gracious glance proceeds; Then mounts the throne, high plac'd before the shrine: In crowds around, the swarming people join. She takes petitions, and dispenses laws. Hears and determines ev'ry private cause; Their tasks in equal portions she divides. And, where unequal, there by lots decides. Another way by chance ^neas bends His eyes, and unexpected sees his friends, Antheus, Sergestus grave, Cloanthus strong, And at their backs a mighty Trojan throng. Whom late the tempest on the billows toss'd. And widely scatter'd on another coast. The prince, unseen, surpris'd with wonder stands, And longs, with joyful haste, to join their hands; But, doubtful of the wish'd event, he stays, And from the hollow cloud his friends surveys. Impatient till they told their present state. And where they left their ships, and what their fate. And why they came, and what was their request; For these were sent, commission'd by the rest. To sue for leave to land their sickly men. And gain admission to the gracious queen. Ent'ring, with cries they fill'd the holy fane; Then thus, with lowly voice, Ilioneus began: "O queen! indulg'd by favor of the gods To found an empire in these new abodes. To build a town, with statutes to restrain The wild inhabitants beneath thy reign. We wretched Trojans, toss'd on ev'ry shore. From sea to sea, thy clemency implore. Forbid the fires our shipping to deface! Receive th' unhappy fugitives to grace. 92 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL And spare the remnant of a pious race! We come not with design of wasteful prey, To drive the country, force the swains away: Nor such our strength, nor such is our desire; The vanquish'd dare not to such thoughts aspire. A land there is, Hesjjeria nam'd of old; The soil is fruitful, and the men are bold — Th' CEnotrians held it once — by common fame Now call'd Italia, from the leader's name. To that sweet region was our voyage bent. When winds and ev'ry warring element Disturb'd our course, and, far from sight of land. Cast our torn vessels on the moving sand: The sea came on; the South, with mighty roar, Dispers'd and dash'd the rest upon the rocky shore. Those few you see escap'd the storm, and fear. Unless you interpose, a shipwreck here. What men, what monsters, what inhuman race, What laws, what barb'rous customs of the place, Shut up a desart shore to drowning men, And drive us to the cruel seas again? If our hard fortune no compassion draws. Nor hospitable rights, nor human laws. The gods are just, and will revenge our cause. iEneas was our prince: a juster lord. Or nobler warrior, never drew a sword; Observant of the right, religious of his word. If yet he lives, and draws this vital air. Nor we, his friends, of safety shall despair; Nor you, great queen, these offices repent, Which he will equal, and jserhaps augment. We want not cities, nor Sicilian coasts. Where King Acestes Trojan lineage boasts. Permit our ships a shelter on your shores. Refitted from your woods with planks and oars, That, if our prince be safe, we may renew Our destin'd course, and Italy pursue. But if, O best of men, the Fates ordain That thou art swallow'd in the Libyan main, And if our young liilus be no more. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 93 Dismiss our navy from your friendly shore, That we to good Acestes may return, And with our friends our common losses mourn." Thus spoke Ilioneus: the Trojan crew With cries and clamors his request renew. The modest queen a while, with downcast eyes, Ponder'd the speech; then briefly thus replies: "Trojans, dismiss your fears; my cruel fate. And doubts attending an unsetded state. Force me to guard my coast from foreign foes. Who has not heard the story of your woes. The name and fortune of your native place. The fame and valor of the Phrygian race? We Tyrians are not so devoid of sense. Nor so remote from Phccbus' influence. Whether to Latian shores your course is bent. Or, driv'n by tempests from your first intent, You seek the good Acestes* government. Your men shall be receiv'd, your fleet repair'd. And sail, with ships of convoy for your guard: Or, would you stay, and join your friendly pow'rs To raise and to defend the Tyrian tow'rs. My wealth, my city, and myself are yours. And would to Heav'n, the storm, you felt, would bring On Carthaginian coasts your wand'ring king. My people shall, by my command, explore The ports and creeks of ev'ry winding shore. And towns, and wilds, and shady woods, in quest Of so renown'd and so desir'd a guest." Rais'd in his mind the Trojan hero stood. And long'd to break from out his ambient cloud: Achates found it, and thus urg'd his way: "From whence, O goddess-born, this long delay? What more can you desire, your welcome sure, Your fleet in safety, and your friends secure? One only wants; and him we saw in vain Opjx)se the storm, and swallow 'd in the main. Orontes in his fate our forfeit paid; The rest agrees with what your mother said." Scarce had he spoken, when the cloud gave way. 94 DRYDEN S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL The mists flew upward and dissolv'd in day. The Trojan chief appear'd in open sight, August in visage, and serenely bright. His mother goddess, with her hands divine, Had form'd his curhng locks, and made his temples shine, And giv'n his rolling eyes a sparkling grace. And breath'd a youthful vigor on his face; Like polish'd iv'ry, beauteous to behold. Or Parian marble, when enchas'd in gold: Thus radiant from the circling cloud he broke, And thus with manly modesty he spwke: "He whom you seek am I; by temjsests toss'd, And sav'd from shipwreck on your Libyan coast; Presenting, gracious queen, before your throne, A prince that owes his life to you alone. Fair majesty, the refuge and redress Of those whom fate pursues, and wants oppress. You, who your pious offices employ To save the relics of abandon'd Troy; Receive the shipwreck'd on your friendly shore, With hospitable rites relieve the poor; Associate in your town a wand'ring train, And strangers in your palace entertain: What thanks can wretched fugitives return, Who, scatter'd thro' the world, in exile mourn? The gods, if gods to goodness are inclin'd; If acts of mercy touch their heav'nly mind. And, more than all the gods, your gen'rous heart. Conscious of worth, requite its own desert! In you this age is happy, and this earth. And f>arents more than mortal gave you birth. While rolling rivers into seas shall run, And round the space of heav'n the radiant sun; While trees the mountain tops with shades supply, Your honor, name, and praise shall never die. Whate'er abode my fortune has assign'd. Your image shall be present in my mind." Thus having said, he turn'd with pious haste, And joyful his expecting friends embrac'd: With his right hand Ilioneus was grac'd. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 95 Serestus with his left; then to his breast Cloanthus and the noble Gyas press'd; And so by turns descended to the rest. The Tyrian queen stood fix'd uf)on his face, Pleas'd with his motions, ravish'd with his grace; Admir'd his fortunes, more admir'd the man; Then recollected stood, and thus began: "What fate, O goddess-born; what angry pow'rs Have cast you shipwrack'd on our barren shores? Are you the great ^neas, known to fame. Who from celestial seed your lineage claim? The same ^neas whom fair Venus bore To fam'd Anchises on th' Idxan shore? It calls into my mind, tho' then a child. When Teucer came, from Salamis exil'd. And sought my father's aid, to be restor'd: My father Belus then with fire and sword Invaded Cyprus, made the region bare. And, conqu'ring, finish'd the successful war. From him the Trojan siege I understood, The Grecian chiefs, and your illustrious blood. Your foe himself the Dardan valor prais'd. And his own ancestry from Trojans rais'd. Enter, my noble guest, and you shall find. It not a costly welcome, yet a kind: For I myself, like you, have been distress'd, Till Heav'n afforded me this place of rest; Like you, an alien in a land unknown, I learn to pity woes so like my own." She said, and to the palace led her guest; Then offer'd incense, and proclaim'd a feast. Nor yet less careful for her absent friends. Twice ten fat oxen to the ships she sends; Besides a hundred boars, a hundred lambs. With bleating cries, attend their milky dams; And jars of gen'rous wine and spacious bowls She gives, to cheer the sailors' drooping souls. Now purple hangings clothe the palace walls, And sumptuous feasts are made in splendid halls: On Tyrian carpets, richly wrought, they dine; 96 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL With loads of massy plate the sideboards shine, And antique vases, all of gold emboss'd (The gold itself inferior to the cost). Of curious work, where on the sides were seen The fights and figures of illustrious men. From their first founder to the present queen. The good ^neas, whose paternal care lijlus' absence could no longer bear, Dispatch'd Achates to the ships in haste. To give a glad relation of the past. And, fraught with precious gifts, to bring the boy, Snatch'd from the ruins of unhappy Troy: A robe of tissue, stiff with golden wire; An upper vest, once Helen's rich attire. From Argos by the fam'd adultress brought. With golden flow'rs and winding foliage wrought. Her mother Leda's present, when she came To ruin Troy and set the world on flame; The scepter Priam's eldest daughter bore. Her orient necklace, and the crown she wore; Of double texture, glorious to behold, One order set with gems, and one with gold. Instructed thus, the wise Achates goes. And in his diligence his duty shows. But Venus, anxious for her son's affairs, New counsels tries, and new designs prepares: That Cupid should assume the shape and face Of sweet Ascanius, and the sprightly grace; Should bring the presents, in her nephew's stead. And in Eliza's veins the gentle pwison shed: For much she fear'd the Tyrians, double-tongued. And knew the town to Juno's care belong'd. These thoughts by night her golden slumbers broke. And thus alarm'd, to winged Love she spoke: "My son, my strength, whose mighty pow'r alone Controls the Thund'rer on his awful throne, To thee thy much-afHicted mother flies. And on thy succor and thy faith relies. Thou know'st, my son, how Jove's revengeful wife, By force and fraud, attempts thy brother's life; And often hast thou mourn'd with me his pains. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE iENEIS 97 Him Dido now with blandishment detains; But I suspect the town where Juno reigns. For this 't is needful to prevent her art, And fire with love the proud Phoenician's heart: A love so violent, so strong, so sure, As neither age can change, nor art can cure. How this may be fierform'd, now take my mind: Ascanius by his father is design'd To come, with presents laden, from the port. To gratify the queen, and gain the court. I mean to plunge the boy in pleasing sleep. And, ravish'd, in Idalian bow'rs to keep. Or high Cythera, that the sweet deceit May pass unseen, and none prevent the cheat. Take thou his form and shape. I beg the grace But only for a night's revolving space: Thyself a boy, assume a boy's dissembled face; That when, amidst the fervor of the feast, The Tyrian hugs and fonds thee on her breast. And with sweet kisses in her arms constrains. Thou may'st infuse thy venom in her veins." The God of Lxive obeys, and sets aside His bow and quiver, and his plumy pride; He walks liilus in his mother's sight. And in the sweet resemblance takes delight. The goddess then to young Ascanius flies. And in a pleasing slumber seals his eyes: Lull'd in her lap, amidst a train of Loves, She gently bears him to her blissful groves, Then with a wreath of myrtle crowns his head. And sofdy lays him on a flow'ry bed. Cupid meantime assum'd his form and face, FoU'wing Achates with a shorter pace. And brought the gifts. The queen already sate Amidst the Trojan lords, in shining state. High on a golden bed: her princely guest Was next her side; in order sate the rest. Then canisters with bread are heap'd on high; Th' attendants water for their hands supply. And, having wash'd, with silken towels dry. Next fifty handmaids in long order bore 98 DRYDEn's translation of VIRGIL The censers, and with fumes the gods adore: Then youths, and virgins twice as many, join To place the dishes, and to serve the wine. The Tyrian train, admitted to the feast. Approach, and on the painted couches rest. All on the Trojan gifts with wonder gaze, But view the beauteous boy with more amaze. His rosy