lhS3lCS THEFiVe-FCOT SHZLFOF BOOKS FRANKLIN WOOLMAN rtNN ^^^.^^^.^^^^■.^^'^^'^^^^^^^a.sg^,^^ --^. SB BBiai OS IS BIS THE HARVARD CLASSICS The Five-Foot Shelf of Books Printing Press at which Franklin worked in Watts's Printing Office, London, in 1725 —Page ^4 THE HARVARD CLASSICS EDITED BY CHARLES W. ELIOT, LL.D. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin The Journal o/' John Woolman Fruits of Solitude William Penn W//A Introductions and f^otes Volume I P. F. Collier & Son Corporation NEW YORK Copyright, 1909 By p. F. Collier & Son hanutacturbd in u. s. a. CONTENTS PAGE Benjamin Franklin, His Autobiography 5 The Journal of John Woolman Chapter I 169 Chapter II 179 Chapter III 187 Chapter IV 200 Chapter V 217 Chapter VI 226 Chapter VII 239 Chapter VIII 250 Chapter IX 271 Chapter X 283 Chapter XI 289 Chapter XII 302 The Death of John Woolman 313 Some Fruits of Solitude, in Reflections and Maxims. Part I. William Penn 315 More Fruits of Solitude, Being the Second Part of Reflections AND Maxims 369 INTRODUCTORY NOTE Benjamin Franklin was born in Milk Street, Boston, on January 6 (January 17, new style), 1706. His father, Josiah Franklin, was a tallow chandler who married twice, and of his seventeen children Benjamin was the youngest son. His schooling ended at ten, and at twelve he was bound apprentice to his brother James, a printer, who published the New England Courant. To this journal he became a contributor, and later was for a time its nominal editor. But the brothers quarreled, and Ben- jamin ran away, going first to New York, and thence to Philadelphia, where he arrived in October, 1723. He soon obtained work as a printer, but after a few months he was induced by Governor Keith to go to Lon- don, where, finding Keith's promises empty, he again worked as a com- positor till he was brought back to Philadelphia by a merchant named Denman, who gave him a position in his business. On Denman's death he returned to his former trade, and shortly set up a printing house of his own from which he published The Pennsylvania Gazette, to which he contributed many essays, and which he made a medium for agitating a variety of local reforms. In 1732 he began to issue his famous Poor Richard's Almanac, for the enrichment of which he borrowed or com- posed those pithy utterances of worldly wisdom which are the basis of a large part of his popular reputation. In 1758, the year in which he ceased writing for the Almanac, he printed in it "Father Abraham's Sermon," now regarded as the most famous piece of literature produced in Colonial America. Meantime Franklin was concerning himself more and more with public affairs. He set forth a scheme for an Academy, which was taken up later and finally developed into the University of Pennsylvania; and he founded an "American Philosophical Society" for the purf>ose of enabling scientific men to communicate their discoveries to one another. He himself had already begun his electrical researches, which, with other scientific inquiries, he carried on in the intervals of money-making and politics to the end of his life. In 1748 he sold his business in order to get leisure for study, having now acquired comparative wealth; and in a few years he had made discoveries that gave him a reputation with the learned throughout Europe. In politics he proved very able both as an admin- istrator and as a controversialist; but his record as an office-holder is stained by the use he made of his p)osition to advance his relatives. His most notable service in home politics was his reform of the p)ostal system; 4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE but his fame as a statesman rests chiefly on his services in connection with the relations of the Colonies with Great Britain, and later with France. In 1757 he was sent to England to protest against the influence of the Penns in the government of the colony, and for five years he remained there, striving to enlighten the people and the ministry of England as to Colonial conditions. On his return to America he played an honorable part in the Paxton affair, through which he lost his seat in the Assembly; but in 1764 he was again despatched to England as agent for the colony, this time to petition the King to resume the government from the hands of the proprietors. In London he actively opposed the proposed Stamp Act, but lost the credit for this and much of his popularity through his securing for a friend the office of stamp agent in America. Even his effective work in helping to obtain the repeal of the act left him still a suspect; but he continued his efforts to present the case for the Colonies as the troubles thickened toward the crisis of the Revolution. In 1767 he crossed to France, where he was received with honor; but before his return home in 1775 he lost his position as fxjstmaster through his share in divulging to Massachusetts the famous letter of Hutchinson and Oliver. On his arrival in Philadelphia he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress, and in 1777 he was despatched to France as com- missioner for the United States. Here he remained till 1785, the favorite of French society; and with such success did he conduct the affairs of his country that when he finally returned he received a place only second to that of Washington as the champion of American independence. He died on April 17, 1790. The first five chapters of the Autobiography were composed in Eng- land in 1771, continued in 1784-5, and again in 1788, at which date he brought it down to 1757. After a most extraordinary series of adven- tures, the original form of the manuscript was finally printed by Mr. John Bigelow, and is here reproduced in recognition of its value as a pic- ture of one of the most notable personalities of Colonial times, and of its acknowledged rank as one of the great autobiographies of the world. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I 706-1 757 TwYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's,^ 1771. DEAR SON: I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the in- quiries I made among the remains of my relations when you were with me in England, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to" you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's un- interrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To which I have besides some other induce- ments. Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated. That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection to a repetition of the same life from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable. But though this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living ■ The country-scat of Bishop Shipley, the good bishop, as Dr. Franklin used to style him. — B. * After the words "agreeable to" the words "some of were interlined and after- ward efTaccd. — B. 5 6 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN one's life over again seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as durable as possible by putting it down in writing. Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, might conceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words, "Without vanity I may say," &c., but some vain thing immediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others, whatever share they have of it themselves; but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for his vanity among the other comforts of life. And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to His kind providence, which lead me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume, that the same goodness will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as others have done: the com- plexion of my future fortune being known to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions. The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business, which had continued in the family till his time, HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7 the eldest son being always bred to that business; a custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account of their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew up, viz.: Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what account I can of them, at this distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will among them find many more particulars. Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself for the business of scrivener; became a considerable man in the county; was a chief mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the then Lord HaHfax. He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years to a day before I was born. The account we received of his life and character from some old people at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of mine. "Had he died on the same day," you said, "one might have supposed a transmigration." John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at London. He was an in- genious man. I remember him well, for when I was a boy he came over to my father in Boston, and lived in the house with us some years. He lived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel FrankUn, now lives in Boston. He left behind him two quarto volumes, MS., 8 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen.' He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle, there being a particular affection between him and my father. He was very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He was also much of a politician; too much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately into my hands, in London, a collection he had made of all the principal pamphlets, relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717; many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here, when he went to America, which was about fifty years since. There are many of his notes in the margins. This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the Church of England till about the end of Charles the Second's reign, when some of the ministers that had been outed for non-conformity holding conventicles in Northamp- tonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued ' Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets, "here insert it," but the poetry is not given. Mr. Sparks informs us (Life of Franklin, p. 6) that these volumes had been preserved, and were in possession of Mrs. Emmons, of Boston, great-grand- daughter of their author. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 9 all their lives: the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal Church. Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children into New England, about 1682. The conventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable men of his acquaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife he had four children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I remember thirteen sit- ting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his church history of that country, en- titled Magnalia Christi Americana, as "a godly, learned English- man," if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed to those then concerned in the government there. It was in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that had befallen the country, to that persecu- tion, as so many judgments of God to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable laws. The whole ap- peared to me as written with a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport of them was, that his censures proceeded irom good-will, and, therefore, he would be known to be the author. "Because to be a libeller (says he) I hate it with my heart; From Sherburne town, where now I dwell My name I do put here; Without offense your real friend, It is Peter Folgier." 10 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed to give me all his short- hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I continued, however, at the grammar- school not quite one year, though in that time I had risen gradually from the middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the year. But my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of a college education, which having so large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain — reasons that he gave to his friends in my hearing — altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying trade would not maintain his family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc. I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father declared against it; however, living near the water, I was much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was com- monly allowed to govern, esp)ecially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I will mention one HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY II instance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, the' not then justly conducted. There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for min- nows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharfl there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharff. The next morning the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were found in our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers; we were discovered and complained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers; and though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine convinced me that nothing was usefiJ which was not honest. I think you may like to know something of his person and char- acter. He had an excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a clear pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy in the use of other tradesmen's tools; but his great excellence lay in a sound under- standing and solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him close to his trade; but I remember well his being frequently visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect for his judgment and advice: he was also much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequendy chosen an arbitrator between contending parties. 12 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN At his table he Uked to have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. By this means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so that I was bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in travelHng, where my companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suit- able gratification of their more delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites. My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either my father or mother to have any sickness but that of which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription: JosiAH Franklin, and Abiah his wife, lie here interred. They lived lovingly together in wedlock fifty-five years. Without an estate, or any gainful employment, By constant labor and industry, with God's blessing. They maintained a large family comfortably, and brought up thirteen children and seven grandchildren reputably. From this instance, reader, Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling. And distrust not Providence. He was a pious and prudent man; She, a discreet and virtuous woman. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I3 Their youngest son, In filial regard to their memory, Places this stone. J. F. born 1655, died 1744, ^tat 89. A. F. born 1667, died 1752, 85. By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us'd to write more methodically. But one does not dress for private company as for a publick ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence. To return: I continued thus employed in my father's business for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old; and my brother John, who was bred to that business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there was all appearance that I was destined to supply his place, and become a tallown propos'd as things forgot;" farther recommending to us "To speak, the' sure, with seeming diffidence." And he might have coupled with this Une that which he has coupled with another, I think, less properly, "For want of modesty is want of sense." If you ask, Why less properly.? I must repeat the lines, "Immodest words admit of no defense. For want of modesty is want of sense." Now, is not tvant of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want it) some apology for his tvant of modesty? and would not the Unes stand more justly thus.' "Immodest words admit but this defense. That want of modesty is want of sense." This, however, I should submit to better judgments. My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a newspaper. It was the second that appeared in America, and was called the New England Courant. The only one before it was the Boston News- Letter. I remember his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the undertaking, as not hkely to succeed, one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough for America. At this time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked in composing the types and printing off the sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro' the streets to the customers. He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd themselves by writing little pieces for this pap)er, which gain'd it credit and made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers were received with, I was excited to try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my hand, and. 20 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at night under the door of the printing-house. It was found in the morning, and com- municated to his writing friends when they call'd in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then esteem'd them. Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and convey'd in the same way to the press several more papers which were equally approv'd; and I kept my secret till my small fund of sense for such perform- ances was pretty well exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to be considered a little more by my brother's acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his apprentice, and accordingly, expected the same services from me as he would from another, while I thought he demean'd me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected.* One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd for a month, by the speaker's warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his author. I too was taken up and examin'd before the council; but, tho' I did not give them any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with admonishing * I fancy his harsh and t>rannical treatment of mc might be a means of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to me through my whole li£e. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 21 me, and dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his master's secrets. During my brother's confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had the management of the paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a young genius that had a turn for Ubelling and satyr. My brother's discharge was accompany'd with an order of the House (a very odd one), that "James Franl(lin should no longer print the paper called the New England Courant." There was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends, what he should do in this case. Some proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but my brother, see- ing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of Benjamin Franklin; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be return'd to me, with a full dis- charge on the back of it, to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures for the remainder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under my name for several months. At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man: perhaps I was too saucy and provoking. When he found 1 would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round and speaking to every master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work. I then thought of going to New York, as the nearest place where there was a printer; and I was rather indin'd to leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a 22 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN little obnoxious to the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother's case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring myself into scrapes; and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I determin'd on the point, but my father now siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a litde for me. He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would comp)el me to marry her, and therefore I could not apjjear or come away publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little money in my pocket. My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or I might now have gratify'd them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I ofler'd my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough already; but says he, "My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither, I believe he may employ you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles further; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea. In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking, I reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him a litde, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he desir'd I would dry for him. It proved to be my old favorite author, Bun- yan's Pilgrim's Progress, in Dutch, finely printed on good paper. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 23 with copper cuts, a dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found that it has been translated into most of the languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that 1 know of who mix'd narration and dialogue; a method of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and present at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso, his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other pieces, has im- itated it with success; and Richardson has done the same in his Pamela, etc. When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there could be no landing, there being a great surff on the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung round towards the shore. Some people came down to the water edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them; but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each other. There were canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away, and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate; and, in the mean- time, the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scutde, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we by all night, with very litde rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink but a botde of filthy rum, and the water we sail'd on being salt. In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but, having read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I foUow'd the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the night, my fever left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia. It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly soak'd, and by 24 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at a poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask'd me, I was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of being taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Bur- lington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in England, or country in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular account. He had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his work had been pubUshed; but it never was. At his house 1 lay that night, and the next morning reach'd Burlington, but had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town, of whom 1 had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask'd her advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. She understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of oxossible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things in that separate state. But he never ful- fill'd his promise. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 39 The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his house, and his setting me up was always mention'd as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these letters 1 was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready, but a future time was still named. Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had been several times post- poned, was on the point of sailing. Then, when I call'd to take my leave and receive the letters, his secretary. Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me. Ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought he intended to es- tablish a correspondence, and obtain goods to sell on commission; but I found afterwards, that, thro' some discontent with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchang'd some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the ship, which an- chor'd at Newcastle. The governor was there; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came to me from him with the civillest message in the world, that he could not then see me, being engaged in business of the utmost importance, but should send the letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return, etc I returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting. Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, mas- ters of an iron work in Maryland, had engag'd the great cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steer- age, and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary (jersons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, since gov- ernor) return'd from Newcastle to Philadelphia, the father being re- call'd by a great fee to plead for a seized ship; and, just before we sail'd, Colonel French coming on board, and showing me great re- spect, I was more taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, 40 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN invited by the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly, we remov'd thither. Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the governor's despatches, I ask'd the captain for those letters that were to be under my care. He said all were put into the bag together and he could not then come at them; but, before we landed in England, I should have an opportunity of picking them out; so I was satis- fied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that con- tinued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather. When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the gover- nor's letters. I found none upon which my name was put as under my care. I picked out six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might be the promised letters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket, the king's printer, and another to some stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24th of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith. "I don't know such a person," says he; but, open- ing the letter, "O! this is from Riddlesden. I have lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from him." So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn'd on his heel and left me to serve some customer. I was surprized to find these were not the governor's letters; and, after recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt his sin- cerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's character; told me there was not the least probability that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest dependence on him; and he laught at the notion of the governor's giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my expressing some concern about what I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting some employ- ment in the way of my business. "Among the printers here," said HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 4 1 he, "you will improve yourself, and when you return to America, you will set up to greater advantage." We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer, that Rid- dlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father by persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter it appear'd there was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming over with us); and that Keith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton's thought he ought to be acquainted with it; so, when he arriv'd in England, which was soon after, partly from re- sentment and ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden, and pardy from good-will to him, I waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and from that time he became my friend, gready to my advantage afterwards on many occasions. But what shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! It was a habit he had acquired. He wish'd to please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, tho' not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws were of his plan- ning and passed during his administration. Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and sixpence a week — as much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let me know his in- tentions of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought no money with him, the whole he could muster having been expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen pistoles; so he borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, beHeving himself qualify'd for an actor; but Wilkes, to whom he apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that employ- ment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a weekly 42 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN paper like the Spectator, on certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavored to get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy. I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous printing- house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earn- ings in going to plays and other places of amusement. We had to- gether consimied all my pistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our expenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage. At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the second edition of WoUaston's "Religion of Nature." Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled "A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I printed a small number. It occasion'd my being more consider'd by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho' he seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear'd abominable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum. While I lodg'd in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next door. He had an immense collection of second-hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. This I esteem'd a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could. My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled "The Infallibility of Human Judgment," it occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took great notice of me, called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the "Fable of the HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 43 Bees," who had a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamely desirous; but this never hapjjened. I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he show'd me all his curiosities, and f)er- suaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he paid me handsomely. In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and he followed her. They liv'd together some time; but, he being still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country school, which he thought himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him, acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixp)ence each per week), recommending Mrs. T to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place. He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my re- marks and corrections. These I gave him from time to time, but endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceeding. One of Young's Satires was then just published. I copy'd and sent him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement by them. All was in vain; sheets of 44 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN the poem continued to come by every post. In the mean time, Mrs. T , having on his account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at that time under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my im- portance to her, I attempted familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made a breach between us; and, when he re- turned again to London, he let me know he thought I had cancell'd all the obligations he had been under to me. So I found I was never to expect his repaying me what I lent to him, or advanc'd for him. This, however, was not then of much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I now began to think of getting a little money before- hand, and, expecting better work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in London. At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been us'd to in America, where presswork is mix'd with composing. I drank only water; the other workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the Water-American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer! We had an alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply the workmen. My com- panion at the press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about six o'clock, and another when he had done his day's work. I thought it a de- testable custom; but it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, it would HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 45 give him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, how- ever, and had four or five shiUings to pay out of his wages every Saturday night for that muddUng Uquor; an expense I was free from. And thus these poor devils keep themselves always under. Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing- room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below; the master thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was ac- cordingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., etc^ if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the master's protection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and pay the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live with continually. I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd con- siderable influence. I propos'd some reasonable alterations in their chappel' laws, and carried them against all opposition. From my example, a great part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with me be suppli'd from a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumbl'd with bread and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those who continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and us'd to make interest with me to get beer; their light, as they phrased it, being out. I watch'd the pay-table on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag'd for them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a ' "A printinK-house is always called a chapel by the workmen, the origin of which appears to have been that printing was first carried on in England in an ancient chapel converted into a printing-house, and the title has been preserved by tradition. The bien venu among the printers answers to the terms entrance and footing among mechanics; thus a journeyman, on entering a printing-house, was accustomed to pay one or more gallons of beer for the good of the chapel: this custom was falling into disuse thirty years ago; it is very properly rejected entirely in the United States." — W. T. F. 46 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN week on their account. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society. My constant attendance (I never making a St. Mon- day) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon ail work of dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I went on now very agreeably. My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending to inquire my character at the house where I last lodg'd she agreed to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an elderly woman; had been bred a Protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was converted to the Catholic re- ligion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company; and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an evening with her when- ever she desired it. Our supp)er was only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in her conversation. My always keep- ing good hours, and giving little trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when I talk'd of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, in- tent as I now was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the future; so I remained with her at one shilling and sixpence as long as I staid in London. In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this ac- count: that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to England, HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 47 where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circumstances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that garret, being permit- ted to remain there gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest vis- ited her to confess her every day. "I have ask'd her," says my land- lady, "how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much employment for a confessor?" "Oh," said she, "it is impossible to avoid vain thoughts." I was permitted once to visit her. She was chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica displaying her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of Christ's bleeding face on it, which she explained to me with great seriousness. She look'd pale, but was never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income life and health may be supjX)rted. At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latin- ist, spoke French, and lov'd reading. I taught him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became good swimmers. They introduc'd me to some gentlemen from the coun- try, who went to Chelsea by water to see the College and Don Sal- tero's curiosities. In our return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's, performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that surpris'd and pleas'd those to whom they were novelties. I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise, had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the use- ful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter'd by their admiration; and Wygate, who was 48 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on that account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. He at length profxased to me travelling all over Europe together, support- ing ourselves everywhere by working at our business. I was once inclined to it; but, mentioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do. I must record one trait of this good man's character. He had for- merly been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went to America. There, by a close appli- cation to business as a merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the ship with me, he invited his old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a banker for the full amount of the un- paid remainder with interest. He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store there. He propos'd to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He added that, as soon as I should be acquainted with mer- cantile business, he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure me commis- sions from others which would be profitable; and, if I manag'd well, would establish me handsomely. The thing pleas'd me; for I was grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it; therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect. I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and was daily employed in my new business, going about with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing errands, calling upxjn workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all was on board, I had a few days' leisure. On one of HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 49 these days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my swimming from Chel- sea to Blackfriar's, and of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out on their travels; he wish'd to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if I were to remain in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you and I had something of more importance to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wynd- ham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place. Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of the time I work'd hard at my business, and spent but little upon my- self except in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov'd him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. I had by no means improv'd my fortune; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose conversation was of great ad- vantage to me; and I had read considerably. We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. For the inci- dents of the voyage, I refer you to my Journal, where you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most important part of that journal is the plan^ to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for reg- ulating my future conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' to old age. We landed in Philadelphia on the nth of October, where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common citi- zen. He seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without 'The "Journal" was printed by Sparks, from a copy made at Reading in 1787. But it does not contain the Plan. — £d. 50 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN saying anything. I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his name, it being now said that he had another wife. He was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent workman, which was the temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supply'd with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho' none good, and seem'd to have a great deal of business. Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open'd our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I re- spected and lov'd him, and we might have gone on together very happy; but, in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended. My brother-in-law. Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my return to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and take the management of his printing-house, that he might better attend his stationer's shop. I had heard a bad character of him in London from his wife and her friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I tri'd for farther employment as a merchant's clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5 1 of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humor, but a litde idle. These he had agreed with at extream low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as they would deserve by im- proving in their business; and the expectation of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. Mere- dith was to work at press. Potts at book-binding, which he, by agree- ment, was to teach them, though he knew neither one nor t'other. John , a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose serv- ice, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice. I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages so much higher than he had been us*d to give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form'd thro' me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his printing-house in order, which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees to mind their business and to do it better. It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had been distinguish'd among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing his part, when they exhibited plays; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspap)ers; thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see London, and become a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of discharging his debts he walk'd out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London, where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being intro- 52 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN duc'd among the players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths, and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into his hand, offer- ing immediate entertainment and encouragement to such as would bind themselves to serve in America. He went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship, and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion, but idle, thought- less, and imprudent to the last degree. John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to Uve very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something daily. We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath, so I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor oeconomist. He, however, kindly made no demand of it. Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter- founder in America; I had seen types cast at James's in London, but without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all de- ficiencies. I also engrav'd several things on occasion; I made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a fac- totum. But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services be- came every day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the business; and, when Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that his encumber'd circumstances were partly the cause. At length a trifle snapt our connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, I put my head out of the window to HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 53 see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look'd up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business, adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was treated. He came up im- mediately into the printing-house, continu'd the quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides, he gave me the quarter's warning we had stip- ulated, expressing a wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a warning. I told him his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that instant; and so, taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desir- ing Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings. Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair over. He had conceiv'd a great regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the house while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, which I began to think of; he reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd; that his creditors began to be uneasy; that he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without keeping accounts; that he must therefore fail, which would make a vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of money. He then let me know that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had pass'd between them, he was sure would advance money to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with him. "My time," says he, "will be out with Keimer in the spring; by that time we may have our press and types in from London. I am sensible I am no workman; if you like it, your skill in the busine.s shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will share the profits equally." The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was in town and approv'd of it; the more as he saw I had great influence with his son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drink- ing, and he hop'd might break him off that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory to the father, who carry 'd it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I coiJd, at the other printing-house. But 54 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN I found no vacancy there, and so remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of being employ 'd to print some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under my daily instructions; so I return'd, and we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction; and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much longer above water. At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal peo- ple of the province. Several of them had been appointed by the As- sembly a committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind having been much more improv'd by reading than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and show'd me much civility; while he, tho' the master, was a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely oppos- ing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extreme dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a Uttle knavish withal. We continu'd there near three months; and by that time I could reckon among my acquired friends. Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the brickmakers, learned to write after he was of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd a good estate; and says he, "I foresee that you HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 55 will soon work this man out of business, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia." He had not then the least intimation of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their regard for me as long as they lived. Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future events of my life. My parents had early given me re- ligious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubt- ing by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in the dif- ferent books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation itself. Some books against Deism fell into my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought an eflect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards wrong'd me greatly without the least compunction, and recollecting Keith's conduct towards me (who was another free- thinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of Dryden: "Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link: His eyes not carrying to the equal beam. That poises all above;" and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, goodness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing, appear'd now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself un- perceiv'd into my argument, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common in metaphysical reasonings. 56 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between man and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of life; and I form'd written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I entertain'd an opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were for- bidden by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions might be forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this dangerous time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among strangers, remote from the eye and ad- vice of my father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of religion. I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had something of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to begin the world with; I valued it properly, and determin'd to preserve it. We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before the new types arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, tho' I have since known it to let for seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a country- man to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety of particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman's five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I have since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has made me often more ready than perhaps I should other- wise have been to assist young beginners. There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. Such HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 57 a one then lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half-bankrupts, or near being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged in this busi- ness, probably I never should have done it. This man continued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, re- fusing for many years to buy a house there, because all was going to destruction; and at last I had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might have bought it for when he first began his croaking. I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the pre- ceding year, I had form'd most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the Junto; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company; and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of pos- itiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties. The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation. 58 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing compan- ion; as, like most great mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal precision in everything said, or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He soon left us. Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov'd books, and sometimes made a few verses. William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had ac- quir'd a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-general. William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible man. Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have cliar- acteriz'd before. Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends. And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age, who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship continued without interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter. But my giving this account of it here is to show something of the interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommend- ing business to us. Breintnal particularly procur'd us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest being to HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 59 be done by Keimer; and upon this we work'd exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I compos'd of it a sheet a day, and Meredith worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day's work, for the little jobbs sent in by our other friends now and then put us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that one night, when, having impos'd my forms, I thought my day's work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages re- duced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants' Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many years after at his native place, St. Andrew's in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion: "For the indus- try of that Franklin," says he, "is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at work again before his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest, and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse to engage in shop busi- ness. I mention this industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my pos- terity, who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see its effects in my favour throughout this relation. George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer him- self as a journeyman to us. We could not then employ him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. My hojjes of suc- cess, as I told him, were founded on this, that the then only news- paper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was profitable to him; I therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to mention it; but he told it to Keimer, who 6o BENJAMIN FRANKLIN immediately, to be beforehand with me, published proposals for printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd. I re- sented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford's paper, under the title of the Busy Body, which Breintnal continu'd some months. By this means the attention of the publick was fixed on that paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began his paper, however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov'd in a few years extremely profitable to me. I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number, though our partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that, in fact, the whole management of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my connection with him, but I was to make the best of it. Our first pajjers made a quite different apf)earance from any be- fore in the province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on be- tween Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them all to be our sub- scribers. Their example was foUow'd by many, and our number went on growing continually. This was one of the first good effects of my having learnt a little to scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. He had printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blun- dering manner, we reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were sensible of the difference: it strength- ened the hands of our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing. Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 6l seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death.' Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I ow'd him, but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his forbearance a little longer, which he allow'd me, and as soon as I was able, 1 paid the principal with interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in some degree corrected. But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never the least reason to exp)ect. Mr. Meredith's father, who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to the expectations given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds currency, which had been paid; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew im- patient, and su'd us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be rais'd in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price. In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to me separately, unknown to each other, and, without any application from me, offering each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole busi- ness upon myself, if that should be practicable; but they did not like my continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low games in ale- houses, much to our discredit. These two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. 1 told them I could not propose a sep- aration while any prospect remain'd of the Merediths' fulfilling their part of our agreement, because I thought myself under great obligations to them for what they had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally fail'd in their performance, and our part- nership must be dissolv'd, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the assistance of my friends. Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my partner, 'I got his son once /Cjoo. — [Marg. note.] 62 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN "Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the part you have undertaken in this aflair of ours, and is unwiUing to advance for you and me what he would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my business." "No," said he, "my father has really been disappointed, and is really unable; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin'd to go with them, and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands." I agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in writing, sign'd, and seal'd imme- diately. I gave him what he demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence he sent me next year two long letters, con- taining the best account that had been given of that country, the cli- mate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave great satis- faction to the publick. As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two friends; and because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company's debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertising that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the year 1729. About this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addi- tion, being against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We had discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 63 saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building: whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk'd about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, between Second and Front streets, with bills on their doors, "To be let"; and many likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another. Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled "The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency." It was well receiv'd by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it, for it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their oppo- sition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some serv- ice, thought fit to reward me my employing me in printing the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by my being able to write. The utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards of three hun- dred and fifty thousand pounds trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, tho' I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful. I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circum- stances; and these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encouragements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in my hands as long as I follow'd the business. I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chap- men's books, etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and work'd with 64 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN me constantly and diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose. I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in reality industrious and fru- gal, but to avoid all appearances to the contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting; a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above my business, I sometimes brought home the paper I purchas'd at the stores thro' the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others proposed supplying me with books, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer's credit and business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his printing-house to sat- isfy his creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances. His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his materials. I was at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good deal of interest. I therefore propos'd a partnership to him, which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like a gentle- man, liv'd expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barba- does, taking the printing-house with him. There this apprentice employ'd his former master as a journeyman; they quarrel'd often; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his types and return to his country work in Pensilvania. The person that bought them employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died. There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 65 had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many more, which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the pubUck opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by brib- ing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it. I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who lived in part of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier's business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation's daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being in herself very deserving. The old folks encourag'd me by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag'd our little treaty. I let her know that 1 expected as much money with their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt for the printing- house, which I believe was not then above a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had no such sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve the match; that, on in- quiry of Bradford, they had been inform'd the printing business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be worn out, and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up. Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas'd, I know not; but I sus- pected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their dis- position, and would have drawn me on again; but I declared abso- lutely my resolution to have nothing more to do with that family. 66 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN This was resented by the Godfreys; we differ 'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole house, and I resolved to take no more inmates. But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I look'd round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon found that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me frequently into intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense and great inconvenience, besides a con- tinual risque to my health by a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great good luck I escaped it. A friendly corre- spondence as neighbors and old acquaintances had continued be- tween me and Mrs. Read's family, who all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in their house. I was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my giddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho' the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our marry- ing before I went thither, and persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but there were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living in England; but this could not easily be prov'd, because of the distance; and, tho' there was a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, tho' it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be call'd upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these diffi- culties, and I took her to wife, September ist, 1730. None of the in- conveniences happened that we had apprehended; she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could. About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were often referr'd to in our dis- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 67 quisitions up)on the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether where we met, that upwn occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we should, while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number was not so great as we expected; and tho' they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring for want of due care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his books home again. And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a subscription library. I drew up the proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved the general conversation of the Americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies in defense of their privileges. Memo. Thus far was written with the intention express'd in the beginning and therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written many years after in compliance with the advice contain'd in these letters, and accord- ingly intended for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occa- sion'd the interruption. Letter from Mr. Abel James, with Notes of my Life (received in Paris). "1^ ^Y Dear and Honored Friend: I have often been desirous l%/l of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to the XT-*, thought that the letter might fall into the hands of the British, lest somj printer or busy-body should publish some part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure. "Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account of the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730, with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing; a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if thou con- tinued it up to a later period, that the first and latter part may be put together; and if it is not yet continued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and profit- able a work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not only to a few, but to millions? The influence writings under that class have on the minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere ap- peared to me so plain, as in our public friend's journals. It almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring to be- come as good and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, for in- stance, when published (and I think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that class would such a work be! I know of no character living, nor many of them put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business, frugality, and temperance with the American youth. Not that I think the work would have no other merit and use in the world, far from it; but the first is of such vast importance that I know nothing that can equal it." 68 HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 69 The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being shown to a friend, I received from him the following: Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. "Paris, January 31, 1783. "My Dearest Sir: When I had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told you I would send you a letter express- ing my reasons why I thought it would be useful to complete and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some time past prevented this letter being written, and I do not know whether it was worth any expectation; happening to be at leisure, however, at pres- ent, I shall by writing, at least interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to use may tend to offend a person of your man- ners, I shall only tell you how I would address any other person, who was as good and as great as yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him. Sir, I solicit the history of your life from the following mo- tives: Your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, some- body else will certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own management of the thing might do good. It will moreover present a table of the internal circumstances of your country, which will very much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And considering the eagerness with which such information is sought by them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious advertisement than your biogra- phy would give. All that has happened to you is also connected with the detail of the manners and situation of a rising people; and in this respect I do not think that the writings of Caesar and Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge of human nature and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance which your life will give for the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your Art of Virtue (which you de- sign to publish) of improving the features of private character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. The two works 1 allude to, sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of self-education. School and other education constandy 70 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN proceed upon false principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pwinted at a false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one; and while parents and young persons are left destitute of other just means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the thing is in many a man's pri- vate power, will be invaluable! Influence upon the private character, late in life, is not only an influence late in life, but a weak influence. It is in youth that we plant our chief habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to profession, pursuits and matri- mony. In youth, therefore, the turn is given; in youth the education even of the next generation is given; in youth the private and public character is determined; and the term of life extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin well from youth, and more espe- cially before we take our party as to our principal objects. But your biography will not merely teach self-education, but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, when we see our race has been blundering on in the dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of time? Show then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all wise men to become like yourself, and other men to become wise. When we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific, acquies- cing manners; and to find how compatible it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored. "The little private incidents which you will also have to relate, will have considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to see how you have acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have once explained to them, to give them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having experience of one's own, is to have other people's affairs brought before us in a shape that is interesting; this is sure to happen from your p)en; our affairs and management will have an air of simplicity or importance that will not fail to strike; and I am HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7I convinced you have conducted them with as much originaUty as if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy; and what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance and its errors considered) than human life ? "Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have speculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to bad purpxjses; but you, sir, I am sure, will give under your hand, nothing but what is at the same moment, wise, practical and good. Your account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in point of character, but of private history) will show that you are ashamed of no origin; a thing the more important, as you prove how little necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As no end likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by which you became considerable; but at the same time we may see that though the event is flattering, the means are as simple as wisdom could make them; that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought and habit. Another thing demonstrated will be the propriety of every man's waiting for his time for appearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed to the moment, we are apt to forget that more moments are to follow the first, and consequently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened with content and enjoyment, instead of being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets. Such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and themselves in countenance by examples of other truly great men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic. Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I will suppose the subject of my letter resembhng Dr. Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence and temperance, which he con- sidered as a pattern for all youth; but it is singular that he should have forgotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, without which you never could have waited for your advancement, or found your situation in the mean time comfortable; which is a strong lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulat- ing our minds. If this correspondent had known the nature of your reputation as well as I do, he would have said. Your former writ- 72 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ings and measures would secure attention to your Biography, and Art of Virtue; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would secure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant upon a various character, and which brings all that belongs to it into greater play; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a loss for the means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the time or the inclination to do it. But there is one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a mere piece of biography. This style of writing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one; and your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make a subject of com- parison with the lives of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and with absurd monastic self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writings of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it will be worth all Plutarch's Lives put together. But being tired of figuring to my- self a character of which every feature suits only one man in the world, without giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a personal application to your proper self. I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits of your genuine character, as civil broils may otherwise tend to disguise or traduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of your character, and your pecuUar style of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards the author of it, and when virtuous prin- ciples have been pretended in it, it will be highly important to shew that such have really influenced; and, as your own character will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its ef- fects upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon England and upon Europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of human happiness, I have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not even at present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to prove that good management may greatly amend him; and it is for much the same reason, that I am anxious to see the opinion established, that there are fair char- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 73 acters existing among the individuals of the race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall be conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at least of making it comfortable principally for themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most speedily into hand: shew yourself good as you are good; temperate as you are temperate; and above all things, prove your- self as one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love you. When they think well of individuals in your native coun- try, they will go nearer to thinking well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves well thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your views even further; do not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but after having settled so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in question, but know only the character that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am sure, however, that the life and the trea- tise I allude to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief of my expectations; and still more so if you take up the measure of suiting these performances to the several views above stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at least have framed pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is inno- cent to man, has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc., "Signed, Benj. Vaughan." Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near Paris, 1784. It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters, but I have been too busy till now to think of complying with the request they con- 74 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN tain. It might, too, be much better done if I were at home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and help to ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain, and having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there be corrected and improv'd. Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable, though I remember to have come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). I will therefore begin here with an account of it, which may be struck out if found to have been already given. At the time I establish 'd myself in Pennsylvania, there was not a good bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York and Philad'a the printers were indeed station- ers; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a few common school-books. Those who lov'd reading were oblig'd to send for their books from England; the members of the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and hired a room to hold our club in. I propos'd that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they would not only be ready to con- sult in our conferences, but become a common benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd to read at home. This was accordingly done, and for some time contented us. Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos'd to render the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription library. I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of books, and an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in Philadel- phia, and the majority of us so poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, wiUing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On this Httle fund we began. The books were imported; the library was opened one day in the week for lending to HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 75 the subscribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations; reading became fashionable; and our people, having no publick amusements to divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed and more intelli- gent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries. When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which were to be binding upon us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, "You are young men, but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix'd in the instrument." A number of us, however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company. The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the sub- scriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one's self as the propwser of any useful project, that might be suppxDs'd to raise one's reputation in the smallest degree above that of one's neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of read- ing. In this way my affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after practis'd it on such occasions; and, from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner. This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus re- pair'd in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was 76 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN necessary. I was indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who were established in the place before me. My circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his instruc- tions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon, "Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered in- dustry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which en- courag'd me, tho' I did not think that I should ever literally stand before /{ings, which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner. We have an English proverb that says, "He that would thrive, must as/^ his tvije." It was lucky for me that I had one as much dis- pos'd to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, pur- chasing old linen rags for the papermakers, etc, etc. We kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple^ our furniture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle: being call'd one morning to breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her husband deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in value. I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho' some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 77 religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Provi- dence; that the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be pun- ished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I es- teem 'd the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees of respect, as 1 found them more or less mix'd with other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make us un- friendly to one another. This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contributions, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused. Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his ad- ministrations, and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occa- sion I had for the Sunday's leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, unin- teresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was in- culcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Pres- byterians than good citizens. At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of Philippians, "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, thinly on these things." And I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: i. Keeping 78 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy Scrip- tures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect to God's ministers. These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before compos'd a litde Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled. Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apwlogies for them. It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to Uve without committing any fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural in- clination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ 'd in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took the advantage of inattenuon; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method. In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as dif- ferent writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined to eating and drink- ing, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 79 thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent I gave to its meaning. These names of virtues, with their precepts, were: I. Temperance. Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. 2. Silence. Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation. 3. Order. Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business have its time. 4. Resolution. Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you resolve. 5. Frugality. Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; »". e., waste nothing. 6. Industry. Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all unnecessary actions. 7. Sincerity. Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly. 8. Justice. Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty. 9. Moderation. Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve. 8o BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 10. Cleanliness. Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation. n. Tranquillity. Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable. 12. Chastity. Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation. 13. Humility. Imitate Jesus and Socrates. My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisi- tion of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I ar- rang'd them with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and estab- lish'd. Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and con- sidering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the second place. This and the next. Order, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing aflSuence and independence, HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 8 1 would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination. I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, mark- ing the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the vir- tues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a litde black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day. Form of the pages. TEMPERANCE. KAT HOT TO DULNESS; DRINK NOT TO ELKVATION. S. M. T. W. T. F. S. T. S. • • • • o. • • • • • • • R. • • F. • • I. • s. J. M. c. T. C. H. I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least offence against Temperance, leaving the other vir- tues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults 82 BENJAMIN FHANKLIN o£ the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first Une, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd, and its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture ex- tending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both Unes clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, 1 hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily examination. This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's Cato: "Here will I hold. If there's a power above us (And that there is, all nature cries aloud Thro* all her works), He must delight in virtue; And that which he delights in must be happy." Another from Cicero, "O vitae Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque viti- orum! Unus dies, bene et ex przccptis tuis actus, pcccanti immortalitati est antcponendus." Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue: "Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." iii. i6, 17. And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of examination, for daily use. "O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. Strengthen my reso- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 83 lutions to perform what that tvisdom dictates. Accept my l{ind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me." I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's Poems, viz.: "Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme! O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself! Save me from folly, vanity, and vice. From every low pursuit; and fill my soul With knowledge, conscious f)eace, and virtue pure; Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!" The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain'd the following scheme of employment for the twenty-foiu: hours of a natural day: The Mo:tNiNG. Question, tiui day? What good shall I do' Noon. Rise, wash, and address Powerjul Goodness! Contrive day's business, and lake the resolution of the day; prosecute the present study, and breakfast. - Work. Read, or overlook my accounts, and dine. • Work. Question. to-day ? Evening. What good have I done Night. Put things in their places. Supper. " Music or diversion, or conversation. Examination of the day. Sleep. I enter 'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was sur- pris'd to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; 84 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd in voy- ages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that inter- fered; but I always carried my little book with me. My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble; and I found that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," said the man, "but I tfiin{ I li^tr a spec\led ax best." And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I employ'd, found the diffi- HIS AUTOBICXJRAPHY 85 culty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that "a speckled ax was best"; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect char- acter might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in him- self, to keep his friends in countenance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at jjer- fect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible. It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Provi- dence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy 'd ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temper- ance he ascribes his long was not for Christ's sake, but for your sal^e." One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY IO3 of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth. The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, ob- serv'd the most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of Market- street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill'd with his hearers to a consid- erable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semicircle, of which my div tance should be the radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted. By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between ser- mons newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals. His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage 104 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opin- ions, delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or quaUfi'd by supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have been deny'd; but litera scripta manet. Critics attack'd his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and im- portant sect, and his reputation might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellence as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed. My business was now continually augmenting, and my circum- stances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of the ob- servation, "that after getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the second," money itself being of a prolific nature. The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encourag'd to engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means several families were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with law- suits and other disagreeable consequences. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY IO5 I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I there- fore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I com- municated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosoph- ical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected. With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against Great Britain, and being at length join'd by France, which brought us into great danger; and the laboured and long'< etc. — [\targ. note.} 128 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN appli'd to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate. I then suggested a method of doing the business without the gov- ernor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment for the pro- visions, but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated. My Quincy return'd thanks to the Assem- bly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship. The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 29 English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Vir- ginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some infor- mation, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey. We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prej- udices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his ar- rival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his oper- ations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condi- tion. The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the ex- pedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary. I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably pro- cure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was de- sir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will ap- pear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lan- caster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows: 130 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN "Advertisement. "Lancaster, April 26, 1755. "Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: 1. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their car- riages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that wag- gons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the sub- sistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I3I "Note. — My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county. "B. Franklin." "To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, Yorl{ and Cumberland. "Friends and Countrymen, "Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose. "It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them. "I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temp)er they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money. "The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the wel- fare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp. 132 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN "If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reason- able terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded. "I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfac- tion of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in four- teen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, B. Franklin." I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be dis- bursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valua- tion, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, how- ever, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what de- pendence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them. While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 33 could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to en- deavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and re- freshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I endos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing 6 lbs. loaf sugar. i Gloucester cheese. 6 lbs. good Muscovado do. i kegg containing 20 lbs. good but- I lb. good green tea. ter. I lb. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine. 6 lbs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 6 lbs. chocolate. i bottle flour of mustard. 1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. 2 well-cur'd hams. 1-2 lb. pepper. 1-2 dozen dry'd tongues. I quart best white wine vine- 6 lbs. rice. gar. 6 lbs. raisins. These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one offi- cer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowl- edge by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ 'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of one thou- sand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. 134 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to ob- tain that remainder, of which more hereafter. This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of reg- ular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those fjeople, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him. In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet com- pleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each other." He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, in- deed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impro- priety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his pro- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I35 fessioa, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the ad- vantage of his army which I apprehended its long Une of march ex- pos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, at- tack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an ene- my's being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank : the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipi- tation. The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settle- ments, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to aHord some pro- 136 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN tection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded. In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How differ- ent was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple. Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, "We shall better l(now how to deal with them another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after. The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the gen- eral to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had ren- dered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedi- tion having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me. As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 37 servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already en- listed. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly re- turn'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the com- mand devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadel- phia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three p)oor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that head. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to f)erform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment. As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from Gen- eral Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that gen- eral by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length re- lieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me. Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the ex- pense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a re- joicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the d — 1!" says one of them, "you surely don't sup- pose that the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but 1 know that the events of war are subject to great un- certainty." I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscrip- tion was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. 138 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings. Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the prov- ince, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, be- lieving they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. How- ever, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the pro- prietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose. This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue," stating and answering all the objections "ThU dialogue and the militia act are in the "Gcndeman's Magazine" for f<^ roiry and March, 1756. — iMarg. note.} HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 139 I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect. While the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the ene- my, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a com- mission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for offi- cers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my com- mand. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts. In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethle- hem, the chief establishment of those f)eople. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were de- fended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upwn the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In con- versation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my sur- prise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempt- ing them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their sur- prise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either de- ceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions. 140 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this busi- ness of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnaden- hut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Mo- ravians procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc. Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cat- tle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued rain- ing all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain. The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted our- selves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people. The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the cir- cumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were im- mediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dex- trous in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I4I and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could not work. This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ 'd, they are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good- natur'd and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about, "Oh," says he, "make them scour the anchor." This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no In- dians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their con- trivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a dis- tance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in 142 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bot- tom o£ the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage. We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were prom- ised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attend- ing to receive it; upon which 1 said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, exe- cuted it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some miUtary laws for non-attend- ance on divine service. I had hardly finish 'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my re- maining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the As- sembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabi- tants contented to remain on their farms under that protection, I re- solved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer. Col- onel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him a com- mission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and irj- troduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military af- fairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I43 them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two. While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at com- mon tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers to- gether. In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the mar- ried men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me sus- pect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise. I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the re- port was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were generally ac- quiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made 144 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may," answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;" which, indeed, I could not deny. Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field- pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England. During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their ap- pearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I45 his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases. This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe re- flections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He ac- cused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition. Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of pro- fessional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, some- times call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice. We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protec- tion, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar 146 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to com- mission me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my in- fluence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, and that, per- haps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me not so for- ward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny. Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation. In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experi- ments. They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library com- pany receiv'd from Mr. P. CoUinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of re- peating what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say much prac- tice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders. To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several perform- ers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lec- tures, in which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and ac- companied with such explanations in such method, as that the fore- going should assist in comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instru- ment-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satis- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 47 faction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments coidd be made, from the general moisture of the air. Oblig'd as we were to Mr. CoUinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experi- ments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Trans- actions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the same- ness of Hghtning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaint- ance of mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connois- seurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the print- ing of them. Mr. CoUinson then gave them to Cave for pubUcation in his Gendeman's Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived after- ward they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had five edidons, and cost him nothing for copy-money. It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken nouce of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputadon in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbe Nollet, preceptor in Nat- ural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish 'd a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them. I once purpos'd answering the abbe, and actually began the 148 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd a descrip- tion of experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of observations ofler'd as con- jectures, and not deUvered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the abbe's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, Ger- man, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by de- grees universally adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in prefer- ence to that of the abbe; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B , of Paris, his eleve and immediate disciple. What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dali- bard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the Philadel- phia Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity. Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had been read HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 49 to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary ac- count of them, and of all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some mem- bers of the society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any applica- tion for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president. Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured. Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he pre- sented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accom- panied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drink- ers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a 150 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN decanter o£ Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises. My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not pos- sibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hamf)er'd with. On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employ'd in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet. Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was thought as good as any man's. "The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately per- sisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the '•The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly — what date? — [Marg. nole.'i HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I5I crown, resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sura of sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the then general. Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions. I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to en- deavor an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and dis- cuss'd the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the pubUc papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly; and he en- treated me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to pro- vide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy. I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense 152 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN was his lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share. He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dis- patching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, "I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet arriv'd; she too was de- tain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet who- ever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly. Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where he lodg'd, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 53 the governor, and should set of? immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him again in the same place. "So, you are soon return'd, Innis?" "Return'd! no, I am not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready." "Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horsebacl^, and never rides on." This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not l^noiv what he was doing. This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation. I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time 154 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months. I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable. On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expws'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile of)erations, and distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home. Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY I55 unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, "They have given you, sir, too low a seat." "No matter," says he, "Mr. Frankhn, I find a low seat the easiest." While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all the accoimts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Brad- dock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I pre- sented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," says he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately." I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "O, sir," says he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter. Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of 156 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our cap- tain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the sailer in the fleet. The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger. Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two cap- tains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager lost. The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Be- sides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another HIS AUTOBICXJRAPHY 1 57 rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advan- tage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole. Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success. We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observa- tion, and the captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us. We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, "Loo\ well out before there," and he as often answered, "Ay ay,"" but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an 158 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Cap- tain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. This deUverance impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America, if I should live to return there. In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasion'd. I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiqui- ties at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757." " Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last year of Dr. Franklin's life, and was first printed (in English) in Mr. Bigelow's edition of 1868. — Ed. AS SOON as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had pro- JL\ vided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was X .A. Strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be fjersonally appH'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the inter- position and {jersuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the GDuncil and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Han- bury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse there- upon, he said to me: "You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instruc- tions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of cere- mony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the Legislator OF THE Colonies." I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not >59 l6o BENJAMIN FRANKLIN think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having a Httle alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the court con- cerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for themselves. After some days. Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify 'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hop)e of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neigh- bouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had sub- sisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the pro- HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY l6l prietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such. The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in con- versation I had delivered viva voce. But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message. When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Ac- cordingly they petition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ 'd by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the 1 62 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN money, ;f 100,000, being printed and given to the king's use, ex- pended in his service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this. Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, "None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity. The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit of the pap)er money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful interest at court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in execution. . . . [Unfinished.] CHIEF EVENTS IN FRANKLIN'S LIFE [Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves im- portant facts unrecorded. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the chief events in Franklin's life, from the beginning, in the following list: 1706 He is born, in Boston, and baptized in the Old South Church. 1714 At the age of eight, enters the Grammar School. 1716 Becomes his father's assistant in the tallow-chandlery business. 171 8 Apprenticed to his brother James, printer. 1721 Writes ballads and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets; contributes, anonymously, to the "New England Courant," and temporarily edits that f>aper; becomes a free-thinker, and a vegetarian. 1723 Breaks his indenture and removes to Philadelphia; obtains employ- ment in Keimer's printing-office; abandons vegetarianism. 1724 Is persuaded by Governor Keith to establish himself independently, and goes to London to buy type; works at his trade there, and publishes "Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." 1726 Returns to Philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry-goods store, becomes manager of Keimer's printing-house. 1727 Founds the Junto, or "Leathern Apron" Club. 1728 With Hugh Meredith, opens a printing-office. 1729 Becomes proprietor and editor of the "Pennsylvania Gazette"; prints, anonymously, "Nature and Necessity of a Paper Cur- rency"; opens a stationer's shop. 1730 Marries Deborah Read. 1731 Founds the Philadelphia Library. 1732 FHiblishes the first number of "Poor Richard's Almanac" under the pseudonym of "Richard Saunders." The Almanac, which con- tinued for twenty-five years to contain his witty, worldly-wise sayings, played a very large part in bringing together and mold- ing the American character which was at that time made up of so many diverse and scattered types. 163 164 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 1733 Begins to study French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin. 1736 Chosen clerk of the General Assembly; forms the Union Fire Com- pany of Philadelphia. 1737 Elected to the Assembly; appointed Deputy Postmaster-General; plans a city police. 1742 Invents the open, or "Franklin," stove. 1743 Proposes a plan for an Academy, which is adopted 1749 and devel- ops into the University of Pennsylvania. 1744 Establishes the American Philosophical Society. 1746 Publishes a pamphlet, "Plain Truth," on the necessity for dis- ciplined defense, and forms a military company; begins elec- trical experiments. 1748 Sells out his printing business; is apfwinted on the Commission of the Peace, chosen to the Common Council, and to the Assembly. 1749 Appointed a Commissioner to trade with the Indians. 1751 Aids in founding a hospital. 1752 Experiments with a kite and discovers that lightning is an elec- trical discharge. 1753 Awarded the Copley medal for this discovery, and elected a mem- ber of the Royal Society; receives the degree of MA. from Yale and Harvard. Appointed joint Postmaster-General. 1754 Appointed one of the Commissioners from Pennsylvania to the Colonial Congress at Albany; proposes a plan for the union of the colonies. '755 Pledges his personal property in order that supplies may be raised for Braddock's army; obtains a grant from the Assembly in aid of the Crown Point expedition; carries through a bill establishing a voluntary militia; is appointed Colonel, and takes the Beld. 1757 Introduces a bill in the Assembly for paving the streets of Phila- delphia; publishes his famous "Way to Wealth"; goes to Eng- land to plead the cause of the Assembly against the Proprietaries; remains as agent for Pennsylvania; enjoys the friendship of the scientific and literary men of the kingdom. [here the autobiography breaks off] 1760 Secures from the Privy Council, by a compromise, a decision oblig- ing the Proprietary estates to contribute to the public revenue. 1762 Receives the degree of D. C. L. from Oxford; returns to America. HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 65 1763 Makes a five months' tour of the northern colonies for the purpose of inspecting the post-offices. 1764 Defeated by the Penn faction for reelection to the Assembly; sent to England as agent for Pennsylvania. 1765 Endeavors to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act. 1766 Examined before the House of Commons relative to the passage of the Stamp Act; appointed agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia; visits Gottingen University. 1767 Travels in France and is presented at court. 1769 Procures a telescope for Harvard College. 1772 Elected Associ^ Etranger of the French Academy. 1774 Dismissed from the office of Postmaster-General; influences Thomas Paine to emigrate to America. 1775 Returns to America; chosen a delegate to the Second Continental Congress; placed on the committee of secret correspondence; appointed one of the commissioners to secure the cooperation of Canada. 1776 Placed on the committee to draft a E)eclaration of Independence; chosen president of the Constitutional Committee of Pennsyl- vania; sent to France as agent of the colonies. 1778 Concludes treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and com- merce; is received at court. 1779 Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France. 1780 Appoints Paul Jones commander of the "Alliance." 1782 Signs the preliminary articles of peace. 1783 Signs the definite treaty of peace. 1785 Returns to America; is chosen President of Pennsylvania; re- elected 1786. 1787 Reelected President; sent as delegate to the convention for framing a Federal Constitution. 1788 Retires from public life. 1790 April 17, dies. His grave is in the churchyard at Fifth and Arch streets, Philadelphia. Editor.] THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN INTRODUCTORY NOTE John Wcxjlman was born at Northampton, N. J., in 1720, and died at York, England, in 1772. He was the child of Quaker parents, and from his youth was a zealous member of the Society of Friends. His "Journal," published posthumously in 1774, sufficiently describes his way of life and the spirit in which he did his work; but his extreme humility pre- vents him from making clear the importance of the part he played in the movement against slaveholding among the Quakers. During the earlier years of their setdement in America, the Friends took part in the traffic in slaves with apparently as little hesitation as their fellow colonists; but in 1671 George Fox, visiting the Barbados, was struck by the inconsistency of slaveholding with the religious principles of his Society. His protests, along with those of others, led to the growth of an agitation which spread from section to section. In 1742, Woolman, then a young clerk in the employment of a storekeeper in New Jersey, was asked to make out a bill of sale for a negro woman; and the scruples which then occurred to him were the beginning of a life-long activity against the traffic. Shordy afterward he began his laborious foot-journeys, pleading everywhere with his co-religionists, and inspiring others to take up the crusade. The result of the agitation was that the various Yearly Meetings one by one decided that emancipation was a religious duty; and within twenty years after Woolman's death the practise of slavery had ceased in the Society of Friends. But his influence did not stop there, for no small part of the enthusiasm of the general emancipation move- ment is traceable to his labors. His own words in this "Journal," of an extraordinary simplicity and charm, are the best expression of a p)ersonality which in its ardor, purity of motive, breadth of sympathy, and clear spiritual insight, gives Wool- man a place among the uncanonized saints of America. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN (1720-1772) CHAPTER I I 720-1 742 His Birth and Parentage — Some Account of the Operations of Divine Grace on his Mind in his Youth — His first Appearance in the Ministry — And his Considerations, while Young, on the Keeping of Slaves. I HAVE often felt a motion of love to leave some hints in writ- ing of my experience of the goodness of God, and now, in the thirty-sixth year of my age, 1 begin this work. I was born in Northampton, in Burlington County, West Jersey, in the year 1720. Before I was seven years old I began to be ac- quainted with the operations of Divine love. Through the care of my parents, I was taught to read nearly as soon as I was capable of it; and as I went from school one day, I remember that while my companions were playing by the way, I went forward out of sight, and, sitting down, I read the twenty-second chapter of Revelation: "He showed me a pure river of water of life, clear as crystal, pro- ceeding out of the throne of God and of the Lamb, &c." In reading it, my mind was drawn to seek after that pure habitation which I then believed God had prepared for his servants. The place where I sat, and the sweetness that attended my mind, remain fresh in my memory. This, and the like gracious visitations, had such an effect upon me that when boys used ill language it troubled me; and, through the continued mercies of God, I was preserved from that evil. The pious instructions of my parents were often fresh in my mind, when I happened to be among wicked children, and were of use to me. Having a large family of children, they used fre- 169 170 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN quently, on first-days, after meeting, to set us one after another to read the Holy Scriptures, or some religious books, the rest sitting by without much conversation; 1 have since often thought it was a good practice. From what I had read and heard, I believed there had been, in past ages, people who walked in uprightness before God in a degree exceeding any that I knew or heard of now living: and the apprehension of there being less steadiness and firmness amongst people in the present age often troubled me while I was a child. I may here mention a remarkable circumstance that occurred in my childhood. On going to a neighbor's house, I saw on the way a robin sitting on her nest, and as I came near she went off; but having young ones, she flew about, and with many cries expressed her concern for them. I stood and threw stones at her, and one striking her she fell down dead. At first I was pleased with the exploit, but after a few minutes was seized with horror, at having, in a sportive way, killed an innocent creature while she was careful for her young. I beheld her lying dead, and thought those young ones, for which she was so careful, must now perish for want of their dam to nourish them. After some painful considerations on the subject, I climbed up the tree, took all the young birds, and killed them, supposing that better than to leave them to pine away and die miserably. In this case I believed that Scripture proverb was fulfilled, "The tender mercies of the wicked are cruel." I then went on my errand, and for some hours could think of little else but the cruelties I had committed, and was much troubled. Thus He whose tender mercies are over all his works hath placed a principle in the human mind, which incites to exercise goodness towards every living creature; and this being singly attended to, people become tender-hearted and sympathizing; but when frequently and totally rejected, the mind becomes shut up in a contrary disposition. About the twelfth year of my age, my father being abroad, my mother reproved me for some misconduct, to which I made an undutiful reply. The next first-day, as I was with my father return- ing from meeting, he told me that he understood I had behaved amiss to my mother, and advised me to be more careful in future. I knew myself blamable, and in shame and confusion remained THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN I7I silent. Being thus awakened to a sense of my wickedness, I felt remorse in my mind, and on getting home I retired and prayed to the Lord to forgive me, and I do not remember that I ever after- wards spoke unhandsomely to either of my parents, however foolish in some other things. Having attained the age of sixteen years, I began to love wanton company and though I was preserved from profane language or scandalous conduct, yet I perceived a plant in me which produced much wild grapes; my merciful Father did not, however, forsake me utterly, but at times, through his grace, I was brought seriously to consider my ways; and the sight of my backslidings affected me with sorrow, yet for want of rightly attending to the reproofs of instruction, vanity was added to vanity, and repentance to repent- ance. Upon the whole, my mind became more and more alienated from the truth, and I hastened toward destruction. While I meditate on the gulf towards which I travelled, and reflect on my youthful disobedience, for these things I weep, mine eye runneth down with water. Advancing in age, the number of my acquaintance increased, and thereby my way grew more difficult. Though I had found comfort in reading the Holy Scriptures and thinking on heavenly things, I was now estranged therefrom. I knew I was going from the flock of Christ and had no resolution to return, hence serious reflections were uneasy to me, and youthful vanities and diversions were my greatest pleasure. In this road I found many like myself, and we associated in that which is adverse to true friendship. In this swift race it pleased God to visit me with sickness, so that I doubted of recovery; then did darkness, horror, and amazement with full force seize me, even when my pain and distress of body were very great. I thought it would have been better for me never to have had being, than to see the day which I now saw. I was filled with confusion, and in great affliction, both of mind and body, I lay and bewailed myself. I had not confidence to lift up my cries to God, whom I had thus offended; but in a deep sense of my great folly I was humbled before him. At length that word which is as a fire and a hammer broke and dissolved my rebellious heart; my cries were put up in contrition; and in the multitude of his mercies 172 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN I found inward relief, and a close engagement that if he was pleased to restore my health I might walk humbly before him. After my recovery this exercise remained with me a considerable time, but by degrees giving way to youthful vanities, and associating with wanton young people, I lost ground. The Lord had been very gracious, and spoke peace to me in the time of my distress, and I now most ungratefully turned again to folly; at times I felt sharp reproof, but I did not get low enough to cry for help. I was not so hardy as to commit things scandalous, but to exceed in vanity and to promote mirth was my chief study. Still I retained a love and esteem for pious people, and their company brought an awe upon me. My dear parents several times admonished me in the fear of the Lord, and their admonition entered into my heart and had a good effect for a season; but not getting deep enough to pray rightly, the tempter, when he came, found entrance. Once having spent a part of the day in wantonness, when I went to bed at night there lay in a window near my bed a Bible, which I ojjened, and first cast my eye on the text, "We lie down in our shame, and our con- fusion covereth us." This I knew to be my case, and meeting with so unexpected a reproof I was somewhat affected with it, and went to bed under remorse of conscience, which I soon cast off again. Thus time passed on; my heart was replenished with mirth and wantonness, while pleasing scenes of vanity were presented to my imagination, till I attained the age of eighteen years, near which time I felt the judgments of God in my soul, like a consuming fire, and looking over my past life the prospect was moving. I was often sad, and longed to be delivered from those vanities; then again my heart was strongly inclined to them, and there was in me a sore conflict. At times I turned to folly, and then again sorrow and confusion took hold of me. In a while I resolved totally to leave off some of my vanities, but there was a secret reserve in my heart of the more refined part of them, and I was not low enough to find true peace. Thus for some months I had great troubles; my will was unsubjected, which rendered my labors fruitless. At length, through the merciful continuance of heavenly visitations, I was made to bow down in spirit before the Lord. One evening I had spent some time in reading a pious author, and walking out alone THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 173 I humbly prayed to the Lord for his help, that I might be deUvered from all those vanities which so ensnared me. Thus being brought low, he helped me, and as I learned to bear the cross I felt refresh- ment to come from his presence, but not keeping in that strength which gave victory I lost ground again, the sense of which greatly affected me. I sought deserts and lonely places, and there with tears did confess my sins to God and humbly craved his help. And I may say with reverence, he was near to me in my troubles, and in those times of humiliation opened my ear to discipline. I was now led to look seriously at the means by which I was drawn from the pure truth, and learned that if I would live such a life as the faithful servants of God lived, I must not go into company as heretofore in my own will, but all the cravings of sense must be governed by a Divine principle. In times of sorrow and abasement these instruc- tions were sealed upon me, and I felt the power of Christ prevail over selfish desires, so that I was preserved in a good degree of steadiness, and being young, and believing at that time that a single hfe was best for me, I was strengthened to keep from such company as had often been a snare to me. I kept steadily to meetings, spent first-day afternoons chiefly in reading the Scriptures and other good books, and was early con- vinced in my mind that true religion consisted in an inward Ufe, wherein the heart does love and reverence God the Creator, and learns to exercise true justice and goodness, not only toward all men, but also toward the brute creatures; that, as the mind was moved by an inward principle to love God as an invisible, incom- prehensible Being, so, by the same principle, it was moved to love him in all his manifestations in the visible world; that, as by his breath the flame of life was kindled in all animal sensible creatures, to say we love God as unseen, and at the same time exercise cruelty toward the least creature moving by his life, or by life derived from him, was a contradiction in itself. I found no narrowness resp)ecting sects and opinions, but believed that sincere, upright-hearted people, in every society, who truly love God, were accepted of him. As I lived under the cross, and simply followed the opening of truth, my mind, from day to day, was more enlightened, my former acquaintance were left to judge of me as they would, for I found it 174 'r**^ JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN safest for me to live in private, and keep these things sealed up in my own breast. While I silently ponder on that change wrought in me, I find no language equal to convey to another a clear idea of it. I looked upon the works of God in this visible creation, and an awfulness covered me. My heart was tender and often contrite, and universal love to my fellow pamphlet was published by Benjamin Franklin, 17 54. 190 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN edge that through the goodness of the Lord our hearts were at times enlarged in his love, and strength was given to go through the trials which, in the course of our visit, attended us. From a disagreement between the powers of England and France, it was now a time of trouble on this continent, and an epistle to Friends went forth from our general spring meeting, which I thought good to give a place in this Journal. An Epistle from our general Spring Meeting of ministers and elders for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, held at Philadelphia, from the 2gth of the third month to the ist of the fourth month, inclusive, 175$, To Friends on the Continent of America: — Dear Friends, — In an humble sense of Divine goodness, and the gracious continuation of God's love to his people, we tenderly salute you, and are at this time therein engaged in mind, that all of us who profess the truth, as held forth and published by our worthy predecessors in this latter age of the world, may keep near to that Life which is the light of men, and be strengthened to hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering, that our trust may not be in man, but in the Lord alone, who ruleth in the army of heaven and in the kingdoms of men, before whom the earth is "as the dust of the balance, and her inhabitants as grasshoppers." (Isa. xl. 22.) Being convinced that the gracious design of the Almighty in send- ing his Son into the world was to repair the breach made by dis- obedience, to finish sin and transgression, that his kingdom might come, and his will be done on earth as it is in heaven, we have found it to be our duty to cease from those national contests which are productive of misery and bloodshed, and submit our cause to him, the Most High, whose tender love to his children exceeds the most warm affections of natural parents, and who hath promised to his seed throughout the earth, as to one individual, "I will never leave thee, nor forsake thee." (Heb. xiii. 5.) And we, through the gracious dealings of the Lord our God, have had experience of that work which is carried on, not by earthly might, "nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts." (Zech. iv. 6.) By which operation that spiritual kingdom is set up, which is to subdue and break in pieces all kingdoms that oppose it, and shall stand forever. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 19I In a deep sense thereof, and of the safety, stabiUty, and peace that are in it, we are desirous that all who profess the uuth may be inwardly acquainted with it, and thereby be qualified to conduct ourselves in all parts of our life as becomes our peaceable profession; and we trust as there is a faithful continuance to depend wholly ufxjn the almighty arm, from one generation to another, the peace- able kingdom will gradually be extended "from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth" (Zech. ix. 10), to the completion of those prophecies already begun, that "nation shall not lift up a sword against nation, nor learn war any more." (Isa. ii. 4. Micah >v. 3-) And, dearly beloved friends, seeing that we have these promises, and believe that God is beginning to fulfil them, let us constantly endeavor to have our minds sufficiently disentangled from the sur- feiting cares of this life, and redeemed from the love of the world, that no earthly possessions nor enjoyments may bias our judgments, or turn us from that resignation and entire trust in God to which his blessing is most surely annexed; then may we say, "Our Re- deemer is mighty, he will plead our cause for us." (Jer. 1. 34.) And if, for the further promoting of his most gracious purposes in the earth, he should give us to taste of that bitter cup of which his faithful ones have often partaken, O that we might be rightly pre- pared to receive it! And now, dear friends, with respect to the commotions and stir- rings of the fxjwers of the earth at this time near us, we are desirous that none of us may be moved thereat, but repose ourselves in the munition of that rock which all these shakings shall not move, even in the knowledge and feeling of the eternal power of God, keeping us subjectly given up to his heavenly will, and feeling it daily to mortify that which remains in any of us which is of this world; for the worldly part in any is the changeable part, and that is up and down, full and empty, joyful and sorrowful, as things go well or ill in this world. For as the truth is but one, and many are made par- takers of its spirit, so the world is but one, and many are made partakers of the spirit of it; and so many as do partake of it, so many will be straitened and perplexed with it. But they who are single to the truth, waiting daily to feel the life and virtue of it in their 192 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN hearts, shall rejoice in the midst of adversity, and have to experience with the prophet, that, "although the fig-tree shall not blossom, neither shall fruit be in the vines; the labor of the olive shall fail, and the fields shall yield no meat; the flock shall be cut off from the fold, and there shall be no herd in the stalls; yet will they rejoice in the Lord, and joy in the God of their salvation." (Hab. iii. 17, 18.) If, contrary to this, we profess the truth, and, not living under the power and influence of it, are producing fruits disagreeable to the purity thereof, and trust to the strength of man to support ourselves, our confidence therein will be vain. For he who removed the hedge from his vineyard, and gave it to be trodden under foot by reason of the wild grapes it produced (Isa. v. 6), remains unchangeable; and if, for the chastisement of wickedness and the further promoting of his own glory, he doth arise, even to shake terribly the earth, who then may oppose him, and prosf^r ? We remain, in the love of the gospel, your friends and brethren. (Signed by fourteen Friends.) Scrupling to do writings relative to keeping slaves has been a means of sundry small trials to me, in which I have so evidently felt my own will set aside that I think it good to mention a few of them. Tradesmen and retailers of goods, who depend on their busi- ness for a living, are naturally inclined to keep the good-will of their customers; nor is it a pleasant thing for young men to be under any necessity to question the judgment or honesty of elderly men, and more especially of such as have a fair reputation. Deep-rooted cus- toms, though wrong, are not easily altered; but it is the duty of all to be firm in that which they certainly know is right for them. A charitable, benevolent man, well acquainted with a negro, may, I believe, under some circumstances, keep him in his family as a ser- vant, on no other motives than the negro's good; but man, as man, knows not what shall be after him, nor hath he any assurance that his children will attain to that perfection in wisdom and goodness necessary rightly to exercise such power; hence it is clear to me, that I ought not to be the scribe where wills are drawn in which some children are made ales masters over others during life. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 193 About this time an ancient man of good esteem in the neighbor- hood came to my house to get his will written. He had young ne- groes, and I asked him privately how he purposed to dispose of them. He told me; I then said, "I cannot write thy will without breaking my own peace," and respectfully gave him my reasons for it. He signified that he had a choice that I should have written it, but as I could not, consistently with my conscience, he did not desire it, and so he got it written by some other person. A few years after, there being great alterations in his family, he came again to get me to write his will. His negroes were yet young, and his son, to whom he intended to give them, was, since he first spoke to me, from a libertine become a sober young man, and he supposed that I would have been free on that account to write it. We had much friendly talk on the subject, and then deferred it. A few days after he came again and directed their freedom, and I then wrote his will. Near the time that the last-mentiond Friend first spoke to me, a neighbor received a bad bruise in his body and sent for me to bleed him, which having done, he desired me to write his will. I took notes, and amongst other things he told me to which of his children he gave his young negro. I considered the pain and distress he was in, and knew not how it would end, so I wrote his will, save only that part concerning his slave, and carrying it to his bedside read it to him. I then told him in a friendly way that I could not write any instruments by which my fellow- pressed will, in his own time, plead their cause, and happy will it be for such as walk in uprightness before him." And thus our conver- sation ended. Fourteenth of fifth month. — I was this day at Camp Creek Monthly Meeting, and then rode to the mountains up James River, and had a meeting at a Friend's house, in both which I felt sorrow of heart, and my tears were poured out before the Lord, who was pleased to afford a degree of strength by which way was opened to clear my mind amongst Friends in those places. From thence I went to Fork Creek, and so to Cedar Creek again, at which place I now had a meeting. Here I found a tender seed, and as I was preserved in the ministry to keep low with the truth, the same truth in their hearts answered it, that it was a time of mutual refreshment from the pres- 206 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN ence o£ the Lord. I lodged at James Standley's, father of William Standley, one of the young men who suffered imprisonment at Win- chester last summer on account of their testimony against fighting, and I had some satisfactory conversation with him concerning it. Hence I went to the Swamp Meeting, and to Wayanoke Meeting, and then crossed James River, and lodged near Burleigh. From the time of my entering Maryland I have been much under sorrow, which of late so increased upon me that my mind was almost over- whelmed, and I may say with the Psalmist, "In my distress I called upon the Lord, and cried to my God," who, in infinite goodness, looked upon my affliction, and in my private retirement sent the Comforter for my relief, for which I humbly bless His holy name. The sense I had of the state of the churches brought a weight of distress upon me. The gold to me appeared dim, and the fine gold changed, and though this is the case too generally, yet the sense of it in these parts hath in a particular manner borne heavy uf)on me. It appeared to me that through the prevailing of the spirit of this world the minds of many were brought to an inward desolation, and instead of the spirit of meekness, gentleness, and heavenly wis- dom, which are the necessary companions of the true sheep of Christ, a spirit of fierceness and the love of dominion too generally prevailed. From small beginnings in error great buildings by degrees are raised, and from one age to another are more and more strengthened by the general concurrence of the people; and as men obtain reputation by their profession of the truth, their virtues are mentioned as argu- ments in favor of general error; and those of less note, to justify themselves, say, such and such good men did the like. By what other steps could the people of Judah arise to that height in wickedness as to give just ground for the Prophet Isaiah to declare, in the name of the Lord, "that none calleth for justice, nor any pleadeth for truth" (Isa. lix. 4), or for the Almighty to call upon the great city of Jerusalem just before the Babylonish captivity, "If ye can find a man, if there be any who executeth judgment, that seeketh the truth, and I will pardon it"? (Jer. v. i.) The prospect of a way being open to the same degeneracy, in some parts of this newly settled land of America, in respect to our conduct towards the negroes, hath deeply bowed my mind in this journey. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 207 and though briefly to relate how these people are treated is no agree- able work yet, after often reading over the notes I made as I trav- elled, I find my mind engaged to preserve them. Many of the white people in those provinces take little or no care of negro marriages; and when negroes marry after their own way, some make so little account of those marriages that with views of outward interest they often part men from their wives by selling them far asunder, which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue. Many whose labor is heavy being followed at their business in the field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpKJse, have in common little else allowed but one peck of Indian corn and some salt, for one week, with a few potatoes; the potatoes they commonly raise by their labor on the first day of the week. The correction ensuing on their disobe- dience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is often very severe, and sometimes desf)erate. Men and women have many times scarcely clothes sufficient to hide their nakedness, and boys and girls ten and twelve years old are often quite naked amongst their master's children. Some of our Society, and some of the society called Newlights, use some endeav- ors to instruct those they have in reading; but in common this is not only neglected, but disapproved. These are the people by whose labor the other inhabitants are in a great measure supported, and many of them in the luxuries of life. These are the people who have made no agreement to serve us, and who have not forfeited their liberty that we know of. These are the souls for whom Christ died, and for our conduct towards them we must answer before Him who is no respecter of persons. They who know the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent, and are thus acquainted with the merciful, benevolent, gospel spirit, will therein perceive that the in- dignation of God is kindled against oppression and cruelty, and in beholding the great distress of so numerous a people will find cause for mourning. From my lodgings I went to Burleigh Meeting, where I felt my mind drawn in a quiet, resigned state. After a long silence I felt an engagement to stand up, and through the powerful operation of Divine love we were favored with an edifying meeting. The next meeting we had was at Black-Water, and from thence went to the 208 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN Yearly Meeting at the Western Branch. When business began, some queries were introduced by some of their members for consideration, and, if approved, they were to be answered hereafter by their re- spective Monthly Meetings. They were the Pennsylvania queries, which had been examined by a committee of Virginia Yearly Meet- ing appointed the last year, who made some alterations in them, one of which alterations was made in favor of a custom which troubled me. The query was, "Are there any concerned in the importation of negroes, or in buying them after imported?" which was thus al- tered, "Are there any concerned in the importation of negroes, or buying them to trade in?" As one query admitted with unanimity was, "Are any concerned in buying or vending goods unlawfully imported, or prize goods?" I found my mind engaged to say that as we profess the truth, and were there assembled to support the testi- mony of it, it was necessary for us to dwell deep and act in that wis- dom which is pure, or otherwise we could not prosper. I then men- tioned their alteration, and referring to the last-mentioned query, added, that as purchasing any merchandise taken by the sword was always allowed to be inconsistent with our principles, so negroes being captives of war, or taken by stealth, it was inconsistent with our testimony to buy them; and their being our fellowondon; and another to visit our Monthly and Quarterly Meetings. After their appointment, before the last adjournment of the meeting, it was agreed that these two committees should meet together in Friends' school-house in the city, to consider some things in which the cause of truth was concerned. They accordingly had a weighty conference in the fear of the Lord; at which time I perceived there were many Friends under a scruple like that before mentioned.' As scrupling to pay a tax on account of the application hath sel- dom been heard of heretofore, even amongst men of integrity, who have steadily borne their testimony against outward wars in their time, I may therefore note some things which have occurred to my mind, as I have been inwardly exercised on that account. From the steady opposition which faithful Friends in early times made to wrong things then approved, they were hated and persecuted by men living in the spirit of this world, and suffering with firmness, they were made a blessing to the church, and the work prospered. It equally concerns men in every age to take heed to their own spirits; and in comparing their situation with ours, to me it appears that there was less danger of their being infected with the spirit of this world, in paying such taxes, than is the case with us now. They had little or no share in civil government, and many of them declared that they were, through the power of God, separated from the spirit in which wars were, and being afflicted by the rulers on account of their testimony, there was less likelihood of their uniting in spirit with them in things inconsistent with the purity of truth. We, from the first settlement of this land, have known little or no troubles of that sort. The profession of our predecessors was for a time ac- counted reproachful, but at length their uprightness being under- stood by the rulers, and their innocent sufferings moving them, our way of worship was tolerated, and many of our members in these ' Christians refused to pay taxes to support heathen templet. See Cave's PrimitiTe Christianity, Pan III., p. 327. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 219 colonies became active in civil government. Being thus tried witli favor and prosperity, this world appeared inviting; our minds have been turned to the improvement of our country, to merchandise and the sciences, amongst which are many things useful, if followed in pure wisdom; but in our present condition I believe it will not be de- nied that a carnal mind is gaining upon us. Some of our members, who are officers in civil government, are in one case or other, called upon in their respective stations to assist in things relative to the wars; but being in doubt whether to act or to crave to be excused from their office, if they see their brethren united in the payment of a tax to carry on the said wars, may think their case not much differ- ent, and so might quench the tender movings of the Holy Spirit in their minds. Thus, by small degrees, we might approach so near to fighting that the distinction would be little else than the name of a peaceable people. It requires great self-denial and resignation of ourselves to God, to attain that state wherein we can freely cease from fighting when wrongfully invaded, if, by our fighting, there were a probability of overcoming the invaders. Whoever rightly attains to it does in some degree feel that spirit in which our Redeemer gave his life for us; and through Divine goodness many of our predecessors, and many now living, have learned this blessed lesson; but many others, having their religion chiefly by education, and not being enough acquainted with that cross which crucifies to the world, do manifest a temper distinguishable from that of an entire trust in God. In calmly con- sidering these things, it hath not appeared strange to me that an exercise hath now fallen upon some, which, with respect to the out- ward means, is different from what was known to many of those who went before us. Some time after the Yearly Meeting, the said committees met at Philadelphia, and, by adjournments, continued sitting several days. The calamities of war were now increasing; the frontier inhabit- ants of Pennsylvania were frequently surprised; some were slain, and many taken captive by the Indians; and while these committees sat, the corpse of one so slain was brought in a wagon, and taken through the streets of the city in his bloody garments, to alarm the people and rouse them to war. 220 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN Friends thus met were not all of one mind in relation to the tax, which, to those who scrupled it, made the way more difficult. To re- fuse an active payment at such a time might be construed into an act of disloyalty, and appeared likely to displease the rulers, not only here but in England; still there was a scruple so fixed on the minds of many Friends that nothing moved it. It was a conference the most weighty that ever I was at, and the hearts of many were bowed in reverence before the Most High. Some Friends of the said commit- tees who appeared easy to pay the tax, after several adjournments, withdrew; others of them continued till the last. At length an episde of tender love and caution to Friends in Pennsylvania was drawn up, and being read several times and corrected, was signed by such as were free to sign it, and afterward sent to the Monthly and Quar- terly Meetings. Ninth of eight month, 1757. — Orders came at night to the military officers in our county (Burhngton), directing them to draft the mili- tia, and prepare a number of men to go off as soldiers, to the relief of the English at Fort William Henry, in New York government; a few days after which, there was a general review of the militia at Mount Holly, and a number of men were chosen and sent off under some officers. Shordy after, there came orders to draft three times as many, who were to hold themselves in readiness to march when fresh orders came. On the 17th there was a meeting of the military officers at Mount Holly, who agreed on draft; orders were sent to the men so chosen to meet their respective captains at set times and places, those in our township to meet at Mount Holly, amongst whom were a considerable number of our Society. My mind being affected herewith, I had fresh opportunity to see and consider the advantage of living in the real substance of religion, where practice doth harmonize with principle. Amongst the officers are men of un- derstanding, who have some regard to sincerity where they see it; and when such in the execution of their office have men to deal with whom they believe to be upright-hearted, it is a painful task to put them to trouble on account of scruples of conscience, and they will be hkely to avoid it as much as easily may be. But where men pro- fess to be so meek and heavenly-minded, and to have their trust so firmly setded in God that they cannot join in wars, and yet by their THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 221 spirit and conduct in common life manifest a contrary disposition, their difficulties are great at such a time. When officers who are anxiously endeavoring to get troops to an- swer the demands of their suf)eriors see men who are insincere pre- tend scruple of conscience in hopes of being excused from a danger- ous employment, it is likely they will be roughly handled. In this time of commotion some of our young men left these parts and tarried abroad till it was over; some came, and proposed to go as soldiers; others appeared to have a real tender scruple in their minds against joining in wars, and were much humbled under the appre- hension of a trial so near. I had conversation with several of them to my satisfaction. When the captain came to town, some of the last- mentioned went and told him in substance as follows: That they could not bear arms for conscience* sake; nor could they hire any to go in their places, being resigned as to the event. At length the cap- tain acquainted them all that they might return home for the pres- ent, but he required them to provide themselves as soldiers, and be in readiness to march when called upon. This was such a time as I had not seen before; and yet I may say, with thankfulness to the Lord, that I believed the trial was intended for our good; and I was favored with resignation to him. The French army having taken the fort they were besieging, destroyed it and went away; the company of men who were first drafted, after some days' march, had orders to return home, and those on the second draft were no more called upon on that occasion. Fourth of fourth month, 1758. — Orders came to some officers in Mount Holly to prepare quarters for a short time for about one hundred soldiers. An officer and two other men, all inhabitants of our town came to my house. The officer told me that he came to de- sire me to provide lodging and entertainment for two soldiers, and that six shillings a week per man would be allowed as pay for it. The case being new and unexpected I made no answer suddenly, but sat a time silent, my mind being inward. I was fully convinced that the proceedings in wars are inconsistent with the purity of the Chris- tian religion; and to be hired to entertain men, who were then under pay as soldiers, was a difficulty with me. I expected they had legal authority for what they did; and after a short time I said to the offi- 222 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN cer, if the men are sent here for entertainment I believe I shall not refuse to admit them into my house, but the nature of the case is such that I expect I cannot keep them on hire; one of the men in- timated that he thought I might do it consistently with my religious principles. To which I made no reply, believing silence at that time best for me. Though they spake of two, there came only one, who tarried at my house about two weeks, and behaved himself civilly. When the officer came to pay me, I told him 1 could not take pay, having admitted him into my house in a passive obedience to author- ity. I was on horseback when he spake to me, and as I turned from him, he said he was obliged to me; to which I said nothing; but, thinking on the expression, I grew uneasy; and afterwards, being near where he lived, I went and told him on what grounds I refused taking pay for keeping the soldier. I have been informed that Thomas i Kempis lived and died in the profession of the Roman Catholic religion; and, in reading his writings, I have believed him to be a man of a true Christian spirit, as fully so as many who died martyrs because they could not join with some superstitions in that church. All true Christians are of the same spirit, but their gifts are diverse, Jesus Christ appointing to each one his peculiar office, agreeably to his infinite wisdom. John Huss contended against the errors which had crept into the church, in opposition to the Council of Constance, which the his- torian rejjorts to have consisted of some thousand persons. He mod- estly vindicated the cause which he believed was right; and though his language and conduct towards his judges appear to have been respectful, yet he never could be moved from the principles settled in his mind. To use his own words: "This I most humbly require and desire of you all, even for his sake who is the God of us all, that I be not compelled to the thing which my conscience doth repugn or strive against." And again, in his answer to the Emperor: "I refuse nothing, most noble Emperor, whatsoever the council shall decree or determine upon me, only this one thing I except, that I do not of- fend God and my conscience."- At length, rather than act contrary to that which he believed the Lord required of him, he chose to suf- fer death by fire. Thomas a Kempis, without disputing against the * Fox's Acts and Monuments, p. 2ii. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 223 articles then generally agreed to, appears to have labored, by a pious example as well as by preaching and writing, to promote virtue and the inward spiritual religion; and 1 believe they were both sincere- hearted followers of Christ. True charity is an excellent virtue; and sincerely to labor for their good, whose beUef in all points doth not agree with ours, is a happy state. Near the beginning of the year 1758, 1 went one evening, in com- pany with a friend, to visit a sick person; and before our return we were told of a woman living near, who had for several days been disconsolate, occasioned by a dream, wherein death, and the judg- ments of the Almighty after death, were represented to her mind in a moving manner. Her sadness on that account being worn off, the friend with whom I was in company went to see her, and had some religious conversation with her and her husband. With this visit they were somewhat affected, and the man, with many tears, ex- pressed his satisfaction. In a short time after the poor man, being on the river in a storm of wind, was with one more drowned. Eighth month, 1758. — Having had drawings in my mind to be at the Quarterly Meeting in Chester County, and at some meetings in the county of Philadelphia, 1 went first to said Quarterly Meeting, which was large. Several weighty matters came under consideration and debate, and the Lord was pleased to qualify some of his servants with strength and firmness to bear the burden of the day. Though I said but little, my mind was deeply exercised; and, under a sense of God's love, in the anointing and fitting of some young men for his work, I was comforted, and my heart was tendered before him. From hence I went to the Youth's Meeting at Darby, where my be- loved friend and brother Benjamin Jones met me by appointment before I left home, to join in the visit. We were at Radnor, Merion, Richland, North Wales, Plymouth, and Abington meetings, and had cause to bow in reverence before the Lord, our gracious God, by whose help way was op)ened for us from day to day. I was out about two weeks, and rode about two hundred miles. The Monthly Meeting of Philadephia having been under a con- cern on account of some Friends who this summer (1758) had bought negro slaves, proposed to their Quarterly Meeting to have the minute reconsidered in the Yearly Meeting, which was made last on 224 "^"E JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN that subject, and the said Quarterly Meeting appointed a committee to consider it, and to report to their next. This committee having met once and adjourned, and I, going to Philadelphia to meet a commit- tee of the Yearly Meeting, was in town the evening on which the Quarterly Meeting's committee met the second time, and finding an inclination to sit with them, I, with some others, was admitted, and Friends had a weighty conference on the subject. Soon after their next Quarterly meeting I heard that the case was coming to our Yearly Meeting. This brought a weighty exercise upon me, and under a sense of my own infirmities, and the great danger I felt of turning aside from perfect purity, my mind was often drawn to retire alone, and put up my prayers to the Lord that he would be graciously pleased to strengthen me; that setting aside all views of self-interest and the friendship of this world, I might stand fully resigned to his holy will. In this Yearly Meeting several weighty matters were considered, and toward the last that in relation to dealing with persons who pur- chase slaves. During the several sittings of the said meeting, my mind was frequently covered with inward prayer, and I could say with David, "that tears were my meat day and night." The case of slave-keeping lay heavy upon me, nor did I find any engagement to speak directly to any other matter before the meeting. Now when this case was opened several faithful Friends spake weightily there- to, with which I was comforted; and feeling a concern to cast in my mite, I said in substance as follows: — "In the difficulties attending us in this life nothing is more pre- cious than the mind of truth inwardly manifested; and it is my earnest desire that in this weighty matter we may be so truly hum- bled as to be favored with a clear understanding of the mind of truth, and follow it; this would be of more advantage to the Society than any medium not in the clearness of Divine wisdom. The case is difficult to some who have slaves, but if such set aside all self-in- terest, and come to be weaned from the desire of getting estates, or even from holding them together, when truth requires the contrary, I believe way will so open that they will know how to steer through those difficulties." Many Friends appeared to be deeply bowed under the weight of THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 225 the work, and manifested much firmness in their love to the cause of truth and universal righteousness on the earth. And though none did openly justify the practice of slave-keeping in general, yet some appeared concerned lest the meeting should go into such measures as might give uneasiness to many brethren, alleging that if Friends pa- tiently continued under the exercise the Lord in his time might open a way for the deliverance of these people. Finding an engagement to speak, I said, "My mind is often led to consider the purity of the Divine Being, and the justice of his judgments; and herein my soul is covered with awfulness. I cannot omit to hint of some cases where people have not been treated with the purity of justice, and the event hath been lamentable. Many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries have reached the ears of the Most High. Such are the purity and certainty of his judgments, that he cannot be partial in our favor. In infinite love and goodness he hath opened our under- standing from one time to another concerning our duty towards this people, and it is not a time for delay. Should we now be sensible of what he requires of us, and through a respect to the private interest of some persons, or through a regard to some friendships which do not stand on an immutable foundation, neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting for some extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance, God may by terrible things in righteousness answer us in this matter." Many faithful brethren labored with great firmness, and the love of truth in a good degree prevailed. Several who had negroes ex- pressed their desire that a rule might be made to deal with such Friends as offenders who bought slaves in future. To this it was answered that the root of this evil would never be effectually struck at until a thorough search was made in the circumstances of such Friends as kept negroes, with respect to the righteousness of their motives in keeping them, that impartial justice might be adminis- tered throughout. Several Friends expressed their desire that a visit might be made to such Friends as kept slaves, and many others said that they believed liberty was the negro's right; to which, at length, no opposition was publicly made. A minute was made more full on that subject than any heretofore; and the names of several Friends entered who were free to join in a visit to such as kept slaves. CHAPTER VI i758> 1759 Visit to the Quarterly Meetings in Chester County — Joins Daniel Stanton and John Scarborough in a Visit to such as kept Slaves there — Some Observations on the Conduct which those should maintain who speak in Meetings for Discipline — More Visits to such as kejJt Slaves, and to Friends near Salem — Account of the Yearly Meeting in the Year 1759, and of the increasing Concern in Divers Provinces to Labor against Buying and Keeping Slaves — ^The Yearly Meeting Episde — Thoughts on the Small-pox spreading, and on Inoculation. ELEVENTH o£ eleventh month, 1758. — This day I set out for Concord; the Quarterly Meeting heretofore held there was now, by reason of a great increase of members, divided into two by the agreement of Friends at our last Yearly Meeting. Here I met with our beloved friends Samuel Spavold and Mary Kirby from England, and with Joseph White from Buck's County; the latter had taken leave of his family in order to go on a religious visit to Friends in England, and, through Divine goodness, we were favored with a strengthening opportunity together. After this meeting I joined with my friends, Daniel Stanton and John Scarborough, in visiting Friends who had slaves. At night we had a family meeting at William Trimble's, many young people being there; and it was a precious, reviving opportunity. Next morn- ing we had a comfortable sitting with a sick neighbor, and thence to the burial of the corpse of a Friend at Uwchland Meeting, at which were many people, and it was a time of Divine favor, after which we visited some who had slaves. In the evening we had a family meeting at a Friend's house, where the channel of the gospel love was opened, and my mind was comforted after a hard day's labor. The next day we were at Goshen Monthly Meeting, and on the i8th at- tended the Quarterly Meeting at London Grove, it being first held at that pbce. Here we met again with all the before-mentioned Friends, and had some edifying meetings. Near the conclusion of the 226 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 227 meeting for business. Friends were incited to constancy in support- ing the testimony of truth, and reminded of the necessity which the disciples of Christ are under to attend principally to his business as he is pleased to open it to us, and to be particularly careful to have our minds redeemed from the love of wealth, and our outward af- fairs in as litde room as may be, that no temporal concerns may en- tangle our affections or hinder us from diligendy following the dictates of truth in laboring to promote the pure spirit of meekness and heavenly-mindedness amongst the children of men in these days of calamity and distress, wherein God is visiting our land with his just judgments. Each of these Quarterly Meetings was large and sat near eight hours. I had occasion to consider that it is a weighty thing to speak much in large meetings for business, for except our minds are rightly prepared, and we clearly understand the case we speak to, instead of forwarding, we hinder business, and make more labor for those on whom the burden of the work is laid. If selfish views or a partial spirit have any room in our minds, we are unfit for the Lord's work; if we have a clear prospect of the business, and proper weight on our minds to speak, we should avoid useless apologies and repeti- tions. Where people are gathered from far, and adjourning a meet- ing of business is attended with great difficulty, it behoves all to be cautious how they detain a meeting, especially when they have sat six or seven hours, and have a great distance to ride home. After this meeting I rode home. In the beginning of the twelfth month I joined, in company with my friends John Sykes and Daniel Stanton, in visiting such as had slaves. Some whose hearts were rightly exercised about them ap- peared to be glad of our visit, but in some places our way was more difficult. I often saw the necessity of keeping down to that root from whence our concern proceeded, and have cause, in reverent thankfulness, humbly to bow down before the Lord, who was near to me, and preserved my mind in calmness under some sharp con- flicts, and begat a spirit of sympathy and tenderness in me towards some who were grievously entangled by the spirit of this world. First month, 1759. — Having found my mind drawn to visit some of the more active members in our Society at Philadelphia, who had 228 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN slaves, I met my friend John Churchman there by agreement, and we continued about a week in the city. We visited some that were sick, and some widows and their famiUes, and the other part of our time was mostly employed in visiting such as had slaves. It was a time of deep exercise, but looking often to the Lord for his assist- ance, he in unspeakable kindness favored us with the influence of that spirit which crucifies to the greatness and splendor of this world, and enabling us to go through some heavy labors, in which we found peace. Twenty-fourth of third month, 1759. — After attending our general Spring Meeting at Philadelphia I again joined with John Church- man on a visit to some who had slaves in Philadelphia, and with thankfulness to our Heavenly Father I may say that Divine love and a true sympathizing tenderness of heart prevailed at times in this service. Having at times perceived a shyness in some Friends of con- siderable note towards me, I found an engagement in gospel love to pay a visit to one of them; and as I dwelt under the exercise, I felt a resignedness in my mind to go and tell him privately that I had a desire to have an opportunity with him alone; to this pro- posal he readily agreed, and then, in the fear of the Lord, things relating to that shyness were searched to the bottom, and we had a large conference, which, I believe was of use to both of us, and I am thankful that way was opened for it. Fourteenth of sixth month. — Having felt drawings in my mind to visit Friends about Salem, and having the approbation of our Monthly Meeting, I attended their Quarterly Meeting, and was out seven days, and attended seven meetings; in some of them I was chiefly silent; in others, through the baptizing power of truth, my heart was enlarged in heavenly love, and I found a near fellowship with the brethren and sisters, in the manifold trials attending their Christian progress through this world. Seventh month. — I have found an increasing concern on my mind to visit some active members in our Society who have slaves, and having no opportunity of the company of such as were named in the minutes of the Yearly Meeting, I went alone to their houses, and, in the fear of the Lord, acquainted them vwth the exercise I THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 229 was under; and, thus, sometimes by a few words, I found myself discharged from a heavy burden. After this, our friend John Churchman coming into our province with a view to be at some meetings, and to join again in the visit to those who had slaves, I bore him company in the said visit to some active members, and found inward satisfaction. At our Yearly Meeting this year, we had some weighty seasons, in which the power of truth was largely extended, to the strength- ening of the honest-minded. As the epistles which were to be sent to the Yearly Meetings on this continent were read, I observed that in most of them, both this year and the last, it was recommended to Friends to labor against buying and keeping slaves, and in some of them the subject was closely treated upon. As this practice hath long been a heavy exercise to me, and I have often waded through mortifying labors on that account, and at times in some meetings have been almost alone therein, I was humbly bowed in thankful- ness in observing the increasing concern in our reUgious society, and seeing how the Lord was raising up and qualifying servants for his work, not only in this respect, but for promoting the cause of truth in general. This meeting continued near a week. For several days, in the fore part of it, my mind was drawn into a deep inward stillness, and being at times covered with the spirit of supplication, my heart was secretly poured out before the Lord. Near the conclusion of the meeting for business, way opened in the pure Sowings of Divine love for me to express what lay upon me, which, as it then arose in my mind, was first to show how deep answers to deep in the hearts of the sincere and upright; though, in their different growths, they may not all have attained to the same clearness in some points relating to our testimony. And I was then led to mention the integrity and constancy of many martyrs who gave their lives for the testimony of Jesus, and yet, in some points, they held doctrines distinguishable from some which we hold, that, in all ages, where people were faithful to the light and understanding which the Most High afforded them, they found acceptance with Him, and though there may be different ways of thinking amongst us in some particulars, yet, if we mutually keep to that spirit and power which 230 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN crucifies to the world, which teaches us to be content with things really needful, and to avoid all superfluities, and give up our hearts to fear and serve the Lord, true unity may still be preserved amongst us; that if those who were at times under sufferings on account of some scruples of conscience kept low and humble, and in their conduct in life manifested a spirit of true charity, it would be more likely to reach the witness in others, and be of more service in the church, than if their sufferings were attended with a contrary spirit and conduct. In this exercise 1 was drawn into a sympathizing tenderness with the sheep of Christ, however distinguished one from another in this world, and the like disposition appeared to spread over others in the meeting. Great is the goodness of the Lord towards his poor creatures. An epistle went forth from this Yearly Meeting which I think good to give a place in this Journal. It is as follows. From the Yearly Meeting held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, from the twenty-second day of the ninth month to the twenty-eighth of the same, inclusive, 7759. To THB Quarterly and Monthly Meetings of Friends belonging to THE SAID Yearly Meeting: — Dearly beloved Friends and Brethren, — In an awful sense of the wisdom and goodness of the Lord our God, whose tender mercies have been continued to us in this land, we affectionately salute you, with sincere and fervent desires that we may reverendy regard the dispensations of his providence, and improve under them. The empires and kingdoms of the earth are subject to his almighty power. He is the God of the spirits of all flesh, and deals with his people agreeable to that wisdom, the depth whereof is to us un- searchable. We in these provinces may say. He hath, as a gracious and tender parent, dealt bountifully with us, even from the days of our fathers. It was he who strengthened them to labor through the difficulties attending the improvement of a wilderness, and made way for them in the hearts of the natives, so that by them they were comforted in times of want and distress. It was by the gracious in- fluences of his Holy Spirit that they were disposed to work righteous- ness, and walk uprightly towards each other, and towards the THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 23 1 natives; in life and conversation to manifest the excellency of the principles and doctrines of the Christian religion whereby they re- tain their esteem and friendship. Whilst they were laboring for the necessaries of life, many of them were fervently engaged to pro- mote piety and virtue in the earth, and to educate their children in the fear of the Lord. If we carefully consider the peaceable measures pursued in the first settlement of land, and that freedom from the desolations of wars which for a long time we enjoyed, we shall find ourselves under strong obligations to the Almighty, who, when the earth is so generally polluted with wickedness, gives us a being in a part so signally favored with tranquillity and plenty, and in which the glad tidings of the gospel of Christ are so freely published that we may justly say with the Psalmist, "What shall we render unto the Lord for all his benefits?" Our own real good, and the good of our posterity, in some meas- ure depends on the part we act, and it nearly concerns us to try our foundations impartially. Such are the different rewards of the just and unjust in a future state, that to attend diligently to the dictates of the spirit of Christ, to devote ourselves to his service, and to engage fervently in his cause, during our short stay in this world, is a choice well becoming a free, intelligent creature. We shall thus clearly see and consider that the dealings of God with mankind, in a national capacity, as recorded in Holy Writ, do sufficiendy evidence the truth of that saying, "It is righteousness which exalteth a nation"; and though he doth not at all times suddenly execute his judgments on a sinful people in this life, yet we see in many in- stances that when "men follow lying vanities they forsake their own mercies"; and as a proud, selfish spirit prevails and spreads among a people, so partial judgment, oppression, discord, envy, and confusions increase, and provinces and kingdoms are made to drink the cup of adversity as a reward of their own doings. Thus the inspired prophet, reasoning with the degenerated Jews, saith, "Thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backsliding shall re- prove thee; know, therefore, that it is an evil thing and bitter that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God, and that my fear is not in thee, saith the Lord God of Hosu." (Jeremiah ii. 19.) 232 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN The God of our fathers, who hath bestowed on us many benefits, furnished a table for us in the wilderness, and made the deserts and solitary places to rejoice. He doth now mercifully call upon us to serve him more faithfully. We may truly say with the Prophet, "It is his voice which crieth to the city, and men of wisdom see his name. They regard the rod, and Him who hath appointed it." People who look chiefly at things outward too little consider the original cause of the present troubles; but they who fear the Lord and think often upon his name, see and feel that a wrong spirit is spreading amongst the inhabitants of our country; that the hearts of many are waxed fat, and their ears dull of hearing; that the Most High, in his visitations to us, instead of calling, lifteth up his voice and crieth: he crieth to our country, and his voice waxeth louder and louder. In former wars between the English and other nations, since the settlement of our provinces, the calamities attending them have fallen chiefly on other places, but now of late they have reached to our borders; many of our fellow-subjects have suffered on and near our frontiers, some have been slain in battle, some killed in their houses, and some in their fields, some wounded and left in great misery, and others separated from their wives and little chil- dren, who have been carried captives among the Indians. We have seen men and women who have been witnesses of these scenes of sorrow, and, being reduced to want, have come to our houses asking relief. It is not long since that many young men in one of these provinces were drafted, in order to be taken as soldiers; some were at that time in great distress, and had occasion to consider that their lives had been too little conformable to the purity and spirituaHty of that religion which we profess, and found themselves too little acquainted with that inward humility, in which true fortitude to endure hardness for the truth's sake is experienced. Many parents were concerned for their children, and in that time of trial were led to consider that their care to get outward treasure for them had been greater than their care for their setdement in that religion which crucifieth to the world, and enableth to bear testimony to the peaceable government of the Messiah. These troubles are removed, and for a time we are released from them. Let us not forget that "The Most High hath his way in the deep, THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 233 in clouds, and in thick darkness"; that it is his voice which crieth to the city and to the country, and O! that these loud. and awakening cries may have a proper effect upon us, that heavier chastisement may not become necessary! For though things, as to the outward, may for a short time afford a pleasing prospect, yet, while a selfish spirit, that is not subject to the cross of Christ, continueth to spread and prevail, there can be no long continuance in outward peace and tranquillity. If we desire an inheritance incorruptible, and to be at rest in that state of peace and happiness which ever continues; if we desire in this life to dwell under the favor and protection of that Almighty Being whose habitation is in holiness, whose ways are all equal, and whose anger is now kindled because of our backslidings, — let us then awfully regard these beginnings of his sore judgments, and with abasement and humiliation turn to him whom we have offended. Contending with one equal in strength is an uneasy exercise; but if the Lord is become our enemy, if we persist in contending with him who is omnipotent, our overthrow will be unavoidable. Do we feel an affectionate regard to posterity? and are we em- ployed to promote their happiness? Do our minds, in things out- ward, look beyond our own dissolution? and are we contriving for the prosperity of our children after us? Let us then, like wise builders, lay the foundation deep, and by our constant uniform regard to an inward piety and virtue let them see that we really value it. Let us labor in the fear of the Lord, that their innocent minds, while young and tender, may be preserved from corruptions; that as they advance in age they may rightly understand their true interest, may consider the uncertainty of temporal things, and, above all, have their hope and confidence firmly settled in the blessing of that Almighty Being who inhabits eternity and preserves and sup- ports the world. In all our cares about worldly treasures, let us steadily bear in mind that riches possessed by children who do not truly serve God are likely to prove snares that may more grievously entangle them in that spirit of selfishness and exaltation which stands in opposition to real peace and happiness, and renders those who submit to the influence of it enemies to the cross of Christ. 234 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN To keep a watchful eye towards real objects of charity, to visit the poor in their lonesome dwelling-places, to comfort those who, through the dispensations of Divine Providence, are in strait and painful circumstances in this life, and steadily to endeavor to honor God with our substance, from a real sense of the love of Christ influencing our minds, is more likely to bring a blessing to our children, and will afford more satisfaction to a Christian favored with plenty, than an earnest desire to collect much wealth to leave behind us; for, "here we have no continuing city"; may we there- fore diligently "seek one that is to come, whose builder and maker is God." "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, if there be any praise, think on these things, and do them, and the God of peace shall be with you." (Signed by appointment, and on behalf of said meeting.) Twenty-eighth eleventh month. — This day I attended the Quar- terly Meeting in Bucks County. In the meeting of ministers and elders my heart was enlarged in the love of Jesus Christ, and the favor of the Most High was extended to us in that and the ensuing meeting. I had conversation at my lodging with my beloved friend Samuel Eastburn, who expressed a concern to join in a visit to some Friends in that county who had negroes, and as I had felt a drawing in my mind to the said work, I came home and put things in order. On nth of twelfth month I went over the river, and on the next day was at Buckingham Meeting, where, through the descendings of heavenly dew, my mind was comforted and drawn into a near unity with the flock of Jesus Christ. Entering upon this business appeared weighty, and before I left home my mind was often sad, under which exercise I felt at times the Holy Spirit which helps our infirmities, and through which my prayers were at times put up to God in private that he would be pleased to purge me from all selfishness, that I might be strength- ened to discharge my duty faithfully, how hard soever to the natural THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 235 part. We proceeded on the visit in a weighty frame of spirit, and went to the houses of the most active members who had negroes throughout the county. Through the goodness of the Lord my mind was preserved in resignation in times of trial, and though the work was hard to nature, yet through the strength of that love which is stronger than death, tenderness of heart was often felt amongst us in our visits, and we parted from several families with greater satisfaction than we expected. We visited Joseph White's family, he being in England; we had also a family-sitting at the house of an elder who bore us company, and were at Makefield on a first day: at all which times my heart was truly thankful to the Lord who was graciously pleased to renew his loving-kindness to us, his poor servants, uniting us together in his work. In the winter of this year, the small-pox being in our town, and many being inoculated, of whom a few died, some things were opened in my mind, which I wrote as follows: — The more fully our lives are conformable to the will of God, the better it is for us; I have looked on the small-pox as a messenger from the Almighty, to be an assistant in the cause of virtue, and to incite us to consider whether we employ our time only in such things as are consistent with perfect wisdom and goodness. Build- ing houses suitable to dwell in, for ourselves and our creatures; preparing clothing suitable for the climate and season, and food convenient, are all duties incumbent on us. And under these general heads are many branches of business in which we may venture health and life, as necessity may require. This disease being in a house, and my business calling me to go near it, incites me to consider whether this is a real indispensable duty; whether it is not in conformity to some custom which would be better laid aside, or, whether it does not proceed from too eager a pursuit after some outward treasure. If the business before me springs not from a clear understanding and a regard to that use of things which perfect wisdom approves, to be brought to a sense of it and stopped in my pursuit is a kindness, for when I proceed to business without some evidence of duty, I have found by experience that it tends to weakness. 236 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN I£ I am so situated that there appears no probability of missing the infection, it tends to make me think whether my manner of life in things outward has nothing in it which may unfit my body to receive this messenger in a way the most favorable to me. Do I use food and drink in no other sort and in no other degree than was designed by Him who gave these creatures for our sustenance? Do I never abuse my body by inordinate labor, striving to accomplish some end which I have unwisely proposed? Do I use action enough in some useful employ, or do I sit too much idle while some persons who labor to support me have too great a share of it ? If in any of these things I am deficient, to be incited to consider it is a favor to me. Employment is necessary in social life, and this infection, which often proves mortal, incites me to think whether these social acts of mine are real duties. If I go on a visit to the widows and fatherless, do I go purely on a principle of charity, free from any selfish views? If I go to a religious meeting it puts me on thinking whether I go in sincerity and in a clear sense of duty, or whether it is not partly in conformity to custom, or partly from a sensible delight which my animal spirits feel in the company of other people, and whether to support my reputation as a religious man has no share in it. Do affairs relating to civil society call me near this infection? If I go, it is at the hazard of my health and life, and it becomes me to think seriously whether love to truth and righteousness is the motive of my attending; whether the manner of proceeding is altogether equitable, or whether aught of narrowness, party interest, respect to outward dignities, names, or distinctions among men, do not stain the beauty of those assemblies, and render it doubtful; in point of duty, whether a disciple of Christ ought to attend as a member united to the body or not. Whenever there are blemishes which for a series of time remain such, that which is a means of stirring us up to look attentively on these blemishes, and to labor according to our capacities, to have health and soundness restored in our country, we may justly account a kindness from our gracious Father, who appointed that means. The care of a wise and good man for his only son is inferior to the regard of the great Parent of the universe for his creatures. He THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 237 hath the command of all the powers and operations in nature, and "doth not afflict willingly, nor grieve the children of men." Chas- tisement is intended for instruction, and instruction being received by gentle chastisement, greater calamities are prevented. By an earthquake hundreds of houses are sometimes shaken down in a few minutes, multitudes of people p)erish suddenly, and many more, being crushed and bruised in the ruins of the buildings, pine away and die in great misery. By the breaking in of enraged merciless armies, flourishing coun- tries have been laid waste, great numbers of people have perished in a short time, and many more have been pressed with poverty and grief. By the pestilence, people have died so fast in a city, that, through fear, grief, and confusion, those in health have found great difficulty in burying the dead, even without coffins. By famine, great numbers of people in some places have been brought to the utmost distress, and have pined away from want of the necessaries of life. Thus, when the kind invitations and gende chastisements of a gracious God have not been attended to, his sore judgments have at times been poured out upon people. While some rules approved in civil society and conformable to human policy, so called, are distinguishable from the purity of truth and righteousness, — while many professing the truth are declining from that ardent love and heavenly-mi ndedness which was amongst the primitive followers of Jesus Christ, it is time for us to attend diligently to the intent of every chastisement, and to consider the most deep and inward design of them. The Most High doth not often speak with an outward voice to our outward ears, but if we humbly meditate on his perfections, consider that he is perfect wisdom and goodness, and that to afflict his creatures to no purpose would be utterly averse to his nature, we shall hear and understand his language both in his gentle and more heavy chastisements, and shall take heed that we do not, in the wisdom of this world, endeavor to escape his hand by means too powerful for us. Had he endowed men with understanding to prevent this disease (the small-pox) by means which had never proved hurtful nor 238 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN mortal, such a discovery might be considered as the period of chas- tisement by this distemper, where that knowledge extended. But as life and health are his gifts, and are not to be disposed of in our own wills, to take upon us by inoculation when in health a disorder of which some die, requires great clearness of knowledge that it is our duty to do so. CHAPTER VII 1760 Visit, in Company with Samuel Eastburn, to Long Island, Rhode Island, Boston, etc. — Remarks on the Slave-Trade at Newport, also on Lot- teries — Some Observations on the Island of Nantucket. FOURTH month, 1760. — Having for some time past felt a sympathy in my mind with Friends eastward, I opened my concern in our Monthly Meeting, and, obtaining a certificate, set forward on the 17th of this month, in company with my beloved friend Samuel Eastburn. We had meetings at Woodbridge, Rahway, and Plainfield, and were at their Monthly Meeting of ministers and elders in Rahway. We labored under some discouragement, but through the invisible power of truth our visit was made reviving to the lowly-minded, with whom I felt a near unity of spirit, being much reduced in my mind. We passed on and visited most of the meetings on Long Island. It was my concern from day to day to say neither more nor less than what the spirit of truth opened in me, being jealous over myself lest I should say anything to make my testimony look agreeable to that mind in people which is not in pure obedience to the cross of Christ. The spring of the ministry was often low, and through the sub- jecting power of truth we were kept low with it; from place to place they whose hearts were truly concerned for the cause of Christ appeared to be comforted in our labors, and though it was in general a time of abasement of the creature, yet through his goodness who is a helper of the poor we had some truly edifying seasons both in meetings and in families where we tarried; sometimes we found strength to labor earnestly with the unfaithful, especially with those whose station in families or in the Society was such that their example had a powerful tendency to open the way for others to go aside from the purity and soundness of the blessed truth. At Jericho, on Long Island, I wrote home as follows: — 239 240 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 24th of the fourth month, 1760. Dearly beloved Wife! We are favored with health; have been at sundry meetings in East Jersey and on this island. My mind hath been much in an inward, watchful frame since 1 left thee, greatly desiring that our proceedings may be singly in the will of our Heavenly Father. As the present appearance of things is not joyous, I have been much shut up from outward cheerfulness, remembering that promise, "Then shalt thou delight thyself in the Lord"; as this from day to day has been revived in my memory, I have considered that his internal presence in our minds is a delight of all others the most pure, and that the honest-hearted not only delight in this, but in the effect of it upon them. He regards the helpless and distressed, and reveals his love to his children under affliction, who delight in beholding his benevolence, and in feeling Divine charity moving in them. Of this I may speak a little, for though since I left you I have often an engaging love and affection towards thee and my daughter, and friends about home, and going out at this time, when sickness is so great amongst you, is a trial upon me; yet I often remember there are many widows and fatherless, many who have poor tutors, many who have evil examples before them, and many whose minds are in captivity; for whose sake my heart is at times moved with compassion, so that I feel my mind resigned to leave you for a season, to exercise that gift which the Lord hath bestowed on me, which though small compared with some, yet in this I rejoice, that I feel love unfeigned towards my fellow-creatures. I recom- mend you to the Almighty, who I trust, cares for you, and under a sense of his heavenly love remain, Thy loving husband, J.W. We crossed from the east end of Long Island to New London, about thirty miles, in a large of)en boat; while we were out, the wind rising high, the waves several times beat over us, so that to me it appeared dangerous, but my mind was at that time turned to Him who made and governs the deep, and my life was resigned to him; as he was mercifully pleased to preserve us 1 had fresh occasion to THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 24I consider every day as a day lent to me, and felt a renewed engage- ment to devote my time, and all I had, to him who gave it. We had five meetings in Narraganset, and went thence to New- port on Rhode Island. Our gracious Father preserved us in an humble dependence on him through deep exercises that were morti- fying to the creaturely will. In several families in the country where we lodged, I felt an engagement on my mind to have a conference with them in private, concerning their slaves; and through Divine aid I was favored to give up thereto. Though in this concern I differ from many whose service in travelling is, I believe, greater than mine, yet I do not think hardly of them for omitting it; I do not repine at having so unpleasant a task assigned me, but look with awfulness to him who appoints to his servants their respective employments, and is good to all who serve him sincerely. We got to Newport in the evening, and on the next day visited two sick persons, with whom we had comfortable sittings, and in the afternoon attended the burial of a Friend. The next day we were at meetings at Newport, in the forenoon and afternoon; the spring of the ministry was opened, and strength was given to declare the Word of Life to the people. The day following we went on our journey, but the great number of slaves in these parts, and the continuance of that trade from thence to Guinea, made a deep impression on me, and my cries were often put up to my Heavenly Father in secret, that he would enable me to discharge my duty faithfully in such way as he might be pleased to point out to me. We took Swansea, Freetown, and Taunton in our way to Boston, where also we had a meeting; our exercise was deep, and the love of truth prevailed, for which I bless the Lxjrd. We went eastward about eighty miles beyond Boston, taking meetings, and were in a good degree preserved in an humble dependence on that arm which drew us out; and though we had some hard labor with the dis- obedient, by laying things home and close to such as were stout against the truth, yet through the goodness of God we had at times to partake of heavenly comfort with those who were meek, and were often favored to part with Friends in the nearness of true gospel fellowship. We returned to Boston and had another com- 242 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN fortable opportunity with Friends there, and thence rode back a day's journey eastward of Boston. Our guide being a heavy man, and the weather hot, my companion and I expressed our freedom to go on without him, to which he consented, and we resp)ectfully took our leave of him; this we did as believing the journey would have been hard to him and his horse. In visiting the meetings in those parts we were measurably bap- tized into a feeling of the state of the Society, and in bowedness of spirit went to the Yearly Meeting at Newport, where we met with John Storer from England, Elizabeth Shipley, Ann Gaunt, Hannah Foster, and Mercy Redman, from our parts, all ministers of the gospel, of whose company I was glad. Understanding that a large number of slaves had been imported from Africa into that town and were then on sale by a member of our Society, my appetite failed, and I grew outwardly weak, and had a feeling of the condi- tion of Habakkuk, as thus expressed, "When I heard, my belly trembled, my lips quivered, I trembled in myself, that I might rest in the day of trouble." I had many cogitations, and was sorely dis- tressed. I was desirous that Friends might petition the Legislature to use their endeavors to discourage the future importation of slaves, for I saw that this trade was a great evil, and tended to multiply troubles, and to bring distresses on the people for whose welfare my heart was deeply concerned. But I perceived several difficulties in regard to petitioning, and such was the exercise of my mind that I thought of endeavoring to get an opportunity to speak a few words in the House of Assembly, then sitting in town. This exercise came upon me in the afternoon on the second day of the Yearly Meeting, and on going to bed I got no sleep till my mind was wholly resigned thereto. In the morning I inquired of a Friend how long the Assembly was Ukely to continue sitting, who told me it was expected to be prorogued that day or the next. As I was desirous to attend the business of the meeting, and perceived the Assembly was likely to separate before the business was over, after considerable exercise, humbly seeking to the Lord for instruc- tion, my mind settled to attend on the business of the meeting; on the last day of which I had prepared a short essay of a petition to be presented to the Legislature, if way opened. And being informed THE JOXJRNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 243 that there were some appointed by that Yearly Meeting to speak with those in authority on cases relating to the Society, I opened my mind to several of them, and showed them the essay I had made, and afterwards I opened the case in the meeting for business, in substance as follows: — "I have been under a concern for some time on account of the great number of slaves which are imported into this colony. I am aware that it is a tender point to speak to, but apprehend I am not clear in the sight of Heaven without doing so. I have prepared an essay of a petition to be presented to the Legislature, if way open; and what I have to propose to this meeting is that some Friends may be named to withdraw and look over it, and report whether they believe it suitable to be read in the meeting. If they should think well of reading it, it will remain for the meeting to consider whether to take any further notice of it, as a meeting, or not." After a short conference some Friends went out, and, looking over it, expressed their willingness to have it read, which being done, many expressed their unity with the proposal, and some signified that to have the subjects of the petition enlarged upon, and signed out of meeting by such as were free, would be more suitable than to do it there. Though I expected at first that if it was done it would be in that way, yet such was the exercise of my mind that to move it in the hearing of Friends when assembled appeared to me as a duty, for my heart yearned towards the inhabitants of these parts, believing that by this trade there had been an increase of inquietude amongst them, and way had been made for the spreading of a spirit opposite to that meekness and humility which is a sure resting-place for the soul; and that the continuance of this trade would not only render their healing more difficult, but would increase their malady. Having proceeded thus far, I felt easy to leave the essay amongst Friends, for them to proceed in it as they believed best. And now an exercise revived in my mind in relation to lotteries, which were common in those parts. I had mentioned the subject in a former sitting of this meeting, when arguments were used in favor of Friends being held excused who were only concerned in such lot- teries as were agreeable to law. And now, on moving it again, it was opposed as before; but the hearts of some sohd Friends appeared 244 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN to be united to discourage the practice amongst their members, and the matter was zealously handled by some on both sides. In this debate it appeared very clear to me that the spirit of lotteries was a spirit of selfishness, which tended to confuse and darken the understanding, and that pleading for it in our meetings, which were set apart for the Lord's work, was not right. In the heat of zeal, I made reply to what an ancient Friend said, and when I sat down I saw that my words were not enough seasoned with charity. After this I spoke no more on the subject. At length a minute was made, a copy of which was to be sent to their several Quarterly Meetings, inciting Friends to labor to discourage the practice amongst all professing with us. Some time after this minute was made I remained uneasy with the manner of my sj'w^aking to the ancient Friend, and could not see my way clear to conceal my uneasiness, though I was concerned that I might say nothing to weaken the cause in which I had labored. After some close exercise and hearty repentence for not having attended closely to the safe guide, I stood up, and, reciting the passage, acquainted Friends that though I durst not go from what I had said as to the matter, yet I was uneasy with the manner of my speaking, believing milder language would have been better. As this was uttered in some degree of creaturely abasement after a warm debate, it appeared to have a good savor amongst us. The Yearly Meeting being now over, there yet remained on my mind a secret though heavy exercise, in regard to some leading active members about Newport, who were in the practice of keeping slaves. This I mentioned to two ancient Friends who came out of the country, and proposed to them, if way opened, to have some conversation with those members. One of them and I, having con- sulted one of the most noted elders who had slaves, he, in a respect- ful manner, encouraged me to proceed to clear myself of what lay upon me. Near the beginning of the Yearly Meeting, I had had a private conference with this said elder and his wife, concerning their slaves, so that the way seemed clear to me to advise with him about the manner of proceeding. I told him I was free to have a confer- ence with them all together in a private house; or if he thought they would take it unkind to be asked to come together, and to be THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 245 spoken with in the hearing of one another, I was free to spend some time amongst them, and to visit them all in their own houses. He expressed his liking to the first proposal, not doubting their willingness to come together; and, as I proposed a visit to only ministers, elders, and overseers, he named some others whom he desired might also be present. A careful messenger being wanted to acquaint them in a proper manner, he offered to go to all their houses, to open the matter to them, — and did so. About the eighth hour the next morning we met in the meeting-house chamber, the last-mentioned country Friend, my companion, and John Storer being with us. After a short time of retirement, I acquainted them with the steps I had taken in procuring that meeting, and opened the concern I was under, and we then proceeded to a free confer- ence upon the subject. My exercise was heavy, and I was deeply bowed in spirit before the Lord, who was pleased to favor with the seasoning virtue of truth, which wrought a tenderness amongst us; and the subject was mutually handled in a calm and peaceable spirit. At length, feeling my mind released from the burden which I had been under, I took my leave of them in a good degree of satisfac- tion; and by the tenderness they manifested in regard to the prac- tice, and the concern several of them expressed in relation to the manner of disposing of their negroes after their decease, I believed that a good exercise was spreading amongst them; and I am humbly thankful to God, who supported my mind and preserved me in a good degree of resignation through these trials. Thou who sometimes travellest in the work of the ministry, and art made very welcome by thy friends, seest many tokens of their satisfaction in having thee for their guest. It is good for thee to dwell deep, that thou mayest feel and understand the spirits of peo- ple. If we believe truth points towards a conference on some subjects in a private way, it is needful for us to take heed that their kindness, their freedom, and affability do not hinder us from the Lord's work. I have experienced that, in the midst of kindness and smooth con- duct, to speak close and home to them who entertain us, on points that relate to outward interest, is hard labor. Sometimes, when I have felt truth lead towards it, I have found myself disqualified by a superficial friendship; and as the sense thereof hath abased me, and 246 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN my cries have been to the Lord, so I have been humbled and made content to appear weak, or as a fool for his sake; and thus a door hath been opened to enter upon it. To attempt to do the Lord's work in our own way, and to speak of that which is the burden of the Word, in a way easy to the natural part, doth not reach the bottom of the disorder. To see the failings of our friends, and think hard of them, without opening that which we ought to open, and still carry a face of friendship, tends to undermine the foundation of true unity. The office of a minister of Christ is weighty. And they who now go forth as watchmen have need to be steadily on their guard against the snares of prosperity and an outside friendship. After the Yearly Meeting we were at meetings at Newtown, Cushnet, Long Plain, Rochester, and Dartmouth. From thence we sailed for Nantucket, in company with Ann Gaunt, Mercy Red- man, and several other Friends. The wind being slack we only reached Tarpawling Cove the first day; where, going on shore, we found room in a public-house, and beds for a few of us, — the rest slept on the floor. We went on board again about break of day, and though the wind was small, we were favored to come within about four miles of Nantucket; and then about ten of us got into our boat and rowed to the harbor before dark; a large boat went off and brought in the rest of the passengers about midnight. The next day but one was their Yearly Meeting, which held four days, the last of which was their Monthly Meeting for business. We had a laborious time amongst them; our minds were closely exercised, and I believe it was a time of great searching of heart. The longer I was on the Island the more 1 became sensible that there was a considerable number of valuable Friends there, though an evil spirit, tending to strife, had been at work amongst them. I was cautious of making any visits except as my mind was particularly drawn to them; and in that way we had some sittings in Friends' houses, where the heavenly wing was at times spread over us, to our mutual comfort. My beloved companion had very acceptable service on this island. When meeting was over we all agreed to sail the next day if the weather was suitable and we were well; and being called up the latter part of the night, about fifty of us went on board a vessel; THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 247 but, the wind changing, the seamen thought best to stay in the harbor till it altered, so we returned on shore. FeeUng clear as to any further visits, I spent my time in my chamber, chiefly alone; and after some hours, my heart being filled with the spirit of sup- plication, my prayers and tears were poured out before my Heav- enly Father for his help and instruction in the manifold difficulties which attended me in life. While I was waiting upon the Lord, there came a messenger from the women Friends who lodged at another house, desiring to confer with us about appointing a meet- ing, which to me appeared weighty, as we had been at so many before; but after a short conference, and advising with some elderly Friends, a meeting was appointed, in which the Friend who first moved it, and who had been much shut up before, was largely opened in the love of the gospel. The next morning about break of day going again on board the vessel, we reached Falmouth on the Main before night, where our horses being brought, we proceeded towards Sandwich Quarterly Meeting. Being two days in going to Nantucket, and having been there once before, I observed many shoals in their bay, which make sailing more dangerous, especially in stormy nights; also, that a great shoal, which encloses their harbor, prevents the entrance of sloops except when the tide is up. Waiting without for the rising of the tide is sometimes hazardous in storms, and by waiting within they sometimes miss a fair wind. I took notice that there was on that small island a great number of inhabitants, and the soil not very fertile, the timber being so gone that for vessels, fences, and firewood, they depend chiefly on buying from the Main, for the cost whereof, with most of their other expenses, they depend prin- cipally upon the whale fishery. I considered that as towns grew larger, and lands near navigable waters were more cleared, it would require more labor to get timber and wood. I understood that the whales, being much hunted and sometimes wounded and not killed, grow more shy and difficult to come at. I considered that the for- mation of the earth, the seas, the islands, bays, and rivers, the motions of the winds, and great waters, which cause bars and shoals in particular places, were all the works of Him who is (jerfect wisdom and goodness; and as people attend to his heavenly instruc- 248 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN tion, and put their trust in him, he provides for them in all parts where he gives them a being; and as in this visit to these people I felt a strong desire for their firm establishment on the sure founda- tion, besides what was said more publicly, I was concerned to speak with the women Friends in their Monthly Meeting of business, many being present, and in the fresh spring of pure love to open before them the advantage, both inwardly and outwardly, of attend- ing singly to the pure guidance of the Holy Spirit, and therein to educate their children in true humility and the disuse of all super- fluities. I reminded them of the difficulties their husbands and sons were frequently exposed to at sea, and that the more plain and simple their way of living was the less need there would be of running great hazards to support them. I also encouraged the young women to continue their neat, decent way of attending themselves on the affairs of the house; showing, as the way opened, that where people were truly humble, used themselves to business, and were content with a plain way of life, they had ever had more true peace and calmness of mind than they who, aspiring to greatness and out- ward show, have grasped hard for an income to support themselves therein. And as I observed they had so few or no slaves, I had to encourage them to be content without them, making mention of the numerous troubles and vexations which frequently attended the minds of the people who depend on slaves to do their labor. We attended the Quarterly Meeting at Sandwich, in company with Ann Gaunt and Mercy Redman, which was preceded by a Monthly Meeting, and in the whole held three days. We were in various ways exercised amongst them, in gospel love, according to the several gifts bestowed on us, and were at times overshadowed with the virtue of truth, to the comfort of the sincere and stirring up of the negligent. Here we parted with Ann and Mercy, and went to Rhode Island, taking one meeting in our way, which was a satisfactory time. Reaching Newport the evening before their Quarterly Meeting, we attended it, and after that had a meeting with our young people, separated from those of other societies. We went through much labor in this town; and now, in taking leave of it, though I felt close inward exercise to the last, I found inward peace, and was in some degree comforted in a belief that THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 249 a good number remain in that place who retain a sense of truth, and that there are some young people attentive to the voice of the Heavenly Shepherd. The last meeting, in which Friends from the several parts of the quarter came together, was a select meeting, and through the renewed manifestation of the Father's love the hearts of the sincere were united together. The poverty of spirit and inward weakness, with which I was much tried the fore part of this journey, has of late appeared to me a dispensation of kindness. Appointing meetings never appeared more weighty to me, and I was led into a deep search, whether in all things my mind was resigned to the will of God; often query- ing with myself what should be the cause of such inward poverty, and greatly desiring that no secret reserve in my heart might hinder my access to the Divine fountain. In these humbling times I was made watchful, and excited to attend to the secret movings of the heavenly principle in my mind, which prepared the way to some duties that in more easy and prosperous times as to the outward, I believe I should have been in danger of omitting. From Newport we went to Greenwich, Shanticut, and Warwick, and were helped to labor amongst Friends in the love of our gracious Redeemer. Afterwards, accompanied by our friend John Casey from Newport, we rode through Connecticut to Oblong, visited the meetings in those parts, and thence proceeded to the Quarterly Meeting at Ryewoods. Through the gracious extendings of Divine help, we had some seasoning opportunities in those places. We also visited Friends at New York and Flushing, and thence to Rahway. Here our roads parting, I took leave of my beloved com- panion and true yokemate Samuel Eastburn, and reached home the loth of eighth month, where I found my family well. For the favors and protection of the Lord, both inward and outward, ex- tended to me in this journey, my heart is humbled in grateful acknowledgments, and I find renewed desires to dwell and walk in resignedness before him. CHAPTER VIII 1761, 1762 Visits Pennsylvania, Shrewsbury, and Squan — Publishes the Second Part of his Considerations on keeping Negroes — The Grounds of his appearing in some Respects singular in his Dress — Visit to the Families of Friends of Ancocas and Mount Holly Meetings — Visits to the Indians at Wehaloosing on the River Susquehanna. HAVING felt my mind drawn towards a visit to a few meet- ings in Pennsylvania, I was very desirous to be righdy instructed as to the time of setting off. On the loth of the fifth month, 1761, being the first day of the week, I went to Haddon- field Meeting, concluding to seek for heavenly instruction, and come home, or go on as I might then believe best for me, and there through the springing up of pure love I felt encouragement, and so crossed the river. In this visit I was at two quarterly and three monthly meetings, and in the love of truth I felt my way open to labor with some noted Friends who kept negroes. As I was favored to keep to the root, and endeavor to discharge what I believed was required of me, I found inward peace therein, from time to time, and thankfulness of heart to the Lord, who was graciously pleased to be a guide to me. Eighth month, 1761. — Having felt drawings in my mind to visit Friends in and about Shrewsbury, I went there, and was at their Monthly Meeting, and their first-day meeting; I had also a meeting at Squan, and another at Squanquam, and, as way opened, had conversation with some noted Friends concerning their slaves. I returned home in a thankful sense of the goodness of the Lord. From the concern I felt growing in me for some years, I wrote part the second of a work entitled "Considerations on keeping Negroes," which was printed this year, 1762. When the overseers of the press had done with it, they offered to get a number printed, to be paid for out of the Yearly Meeting's stock, to be given away; 250 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 25 1 but I being most easy to publish it at my own expense, and offering my reasons, they appeared satisfied. This stock is the contribution of the members of our religious society in general, among whom are some who keep negroes, and, being inclined to continue them in slavery, are not Ukely to be satisfied with such books being spread among a people, especially at their own expense, many of whose slaves are taught to read, and such, receiving them as a gift, often conceal them. But as they who make a purchase generally buy that which they have a mind for, I believed it best to sell them, expecting by that means they would more generally be read with attention. Advertisements were signed by order of the overseers of the press, and directed to be read in the Monthly Meetings of business within our own Yearly Meet- ing, informing where the books were, and that the price was no more than the cost of printing and binding them. Many were taken off in oiu' parts; some I sent to Virginia, some to New York, some to my acquaintance at Newport, and some I kept, intending to give part of them away, where there appeared a prospect of service. In my youth I was used to hard labor, and though I was middling healthy, yet my nature was not fitted to endure so much as many others. Being often weary, I was prepared to sympathize with those whose circumstances in life, as free men, required constant labor to answer the demands of their creditors, as well as with others under oppression. In the uneasiness of body which I have many times felt by too much labor, not as a forced but a voluntary oppression, I have often been excited to think on the original cause of that oppression which is imposed on many in the world. The latter part of the time wherein I labored on our plantation, my heart, through the fresh visitations of heavenly love, being often tender, and my leisure time being frequently spent in reading the life and doctrines of our blessed Redeemer, the account of the sufferings of martyrs, and the history of the first rise of our Society, a belief was grad- ually settled in my mind, that if such as had great estates generally lived in that humility and plainness which belong to a Christian life, and laid much easier rents and interests on their lands and moneys, and thus led the way to a right use of things, so great a number of people might be employed in things useful, that labor 252 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN both for men and other creatures would need to be no more than an agreeable employ, and divers branches of business, which serve chiefly to please the natural inclinations of our minds, and which at present seem necessary to circulate that wealth which some gather, might, in this way of pure wisdom, be discontinued. As I have thus considered these things, a query at times hath arisen: Do I, in all my proceedings, keep to that use of things which is agreeable to universal righteousness? And then there hath some degree of sadness at times come over me, because I accustomed myself to some things which have occasioned more labor than I believe Divine wisdom intended for us. From my early acquaintance with truth I have often felt an inward distress, occasioned by the striving of a spirit in me against the operation of the heavenly principle; and in this state I have been affected with a sense of my own wretchedness, and in a mourn- ing condition have felt earnest longings for that Divine help which brings the soul into true liberty. Sometimes, on retiring into private places, the spirit of supplication hath been given me, and under a heavenly covering I have asked my gracious Father to give me a heart in all things resigned to the direction of his wisdom; in uttering language like this, the thought of my wearing hats and garments dyed with a dye hurtful to them, has made lasting impres- sion on me. In visiting people of note in the Society who had slaves, and laboring with them in brotherly love on that account, I have seen, and the sight has affected me, that a conformity to some customs distinguishable from pure wisdom has entangled many, and that the desire of gain to support these customs has greatly opposed the work of truth. Sometimes when the prospect of the work before me has been such that in bowedness of spirit I have been drawn into retired places, and have besought the Lord with tears that he would take me wholly under his direction, and show me the way in which I ought to walk, it hath revived with strength of conviction that if I would be his faithful servant I must in all things attend to his wisdom, and be teachable, and so cease from all customs contrary thereto, however used among religious people. As he is the perfection of power, of wisdom, and of goodness, THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 253 so I believe he hath provided that so much labor shall be necessary for men's support in this world as would, being rightly divided, be a suitable employment of their time; and that we cannot go into sup)erfluities, or grasp after wealth in a way contrary to his wisdom, without having connection with some degree of oppres- sion, and with that spirit which leads to self-exaltation and strife, and which frequently brings calamities on countries by parties con- tending about their claims. Being thus fully convinced, and feeling an increasing desire to live in the spirit of peace, I have often been sorrowfully affected with thinking on the unquiet spirit in which wars are generally carried on, and with the miseries of many of my felloweople near the said Pittsburg, and in divers places. Some elderly Friends in Philadelphia, know- ing the time of my intending to set off, had conferred together, and thought good to inform me of these things before I left home, that I might consider them and proceed as I believed best. Going to bed again, I told not my wife till morning. My heart was turned to the Lord for his heavenly instruction; and it was an humbhng time to me. When 1 told my dear wife, she appeared to be deeply concerned about it; but in a few hours' time my mind became settled in a belief that it was my duty to proceed on my journey, and she bore it with a good degree of resignation. In this conflict of spirit there were great searchings of heart and strong cries to the Lord, that no motion might in the least degree be attended to but that of the pure spirit of truth. The subjects before mentioned, on which I had so lately spoken in public, were now fresh before me, and I was brought inwardly to commit myself to the Lord, to be disposed of as he saw best. I took leave of my family and neighbors in much bowedness of spirit, and went to our Monthly Meeting at Burlington. After taking leave of Friends there, I crossed the river, accompanied by my friends Israel and John Pemberton; and parting the next morning with Israel, John bore me company to Samuel Foulk's, where I met the before-mentioned Indians; and we were glad to see each other. Here my friend Benjamin Parvin met me, and proposed joining me as a companion, — we had before exchanged some letters on the subject, — and now I had a sharp trial on his account; for, as the journey appeared perilous, I thought if he went chiefly to bear me company, and we should be taken captive, my having been the means of drawing him into these difficulties would add to my own afflictions; so I told him my mind freely, and let him know that I was resigned to go alone; but after all, if he really believed it to be his duty to go on, I believed his company would be very comfortable to me. It was, indeed, a time of deep exercise, and Benjamin ap- 258 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN peared to be so fastened to the visit that he could not be easy to leave me; so we went on, accompanied by our friends John Pem- berton and William Lightfoot of Pikeland. We lodged at Bethle- hem, and there parting with John, William and we went forward on the 9th of the sixth month, and got lodging on the floor of a house, about five miles from Fort Allen. Here we parted with William, and at this place we met with an Indian trader lately come from Wyoming. In conversation with him, I perceived that many white people often sell rum to the Indians, which I believe is a great evil. In the first place, they are thereby deprived of the use of reason, and their spirits being violently agitated, quarrels often arise which end in mischief, and the bitterness and resentment occasioned hereby are frequently of long continuance. Again, their skins and furs, gotten through much fatigue and hard travels in hunting, with which they intended to buy clothing, they often sell at a low rate for more rum, when they become intoxicated; and afterward, when they suffer for want of the necessaries of life, are angry with those who, for the sake of gain, took advantage of their weakness. Their chiefs have often complained of this in their treaties with the English. Where cunning people pass counterfeits and impose on others that which is good for nothing, it is considered as wickedness; but for the sake of gain to sell that which we know does people harm, and which often works their ruin, manifests a hardened and corrupt heart, and is an evil which demands the care of all true lovers of virtue to suppress. While my mind this evening was thus employed, I also remembered that the people on the frontiers, among whom this evil is too common, are often poor; and that they venture to the outside of a colony in order to live more independently of the wealthy, who often set high rents on their land. I was renewedly confirmed in a belief, that if all our inhabitants lived according to sound wisdom, laboring to promote universal love and righteousness, and ceased from every inordinate desire after wealth, and from all customs which are tinctured with luxury, the way would be easy for our inhabitants, though they might be much more numerous than at present, to live comfortably on honest employments, without the temptation they are so often under of being drawn into schemes to make settlements on lands which have not been purchased of THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 259 the Indians, or of applying to that wicked practice of selling rum to them. Tenth of sixth month. — We set out early this morning and crossed the western branch of Delaware, called the Great Lehie, near Fort Allen. The water being high, we went over in a canoe. Here we met an Indian, had friendly conversation with him, and gave him some biscuit; and he, having killed a deer, gave some of it to the Indians with us. After travelling some miles, we met several Indian men and women with a cow and horse, and some household goods, who were lately come from their dwelUng at Wyoming, and were going to settle at another place. We made them some small pres- ents, and, as some of them understood EngUsh, I told them my motive for coming into their country, with which they appeared satisfied. One of our guides talking awhile with an ancient woman concerning us, the poor old woman came to my companion and me and took her leave of us with an appearance of sincere affection. We pitched our tent near the banks of the same river, having labored hard in crossing some of those mountains called the Blue Ridge. The roughness of the stones and the cavities between them, with the steepness of the hills, made it appear dangerous. But we were preserved in safety, through the kindness of Him whose works in these mountainous deserts appeared awful, and towards whom my heart was turned during this day's travel. Near our tent, on the sides of large trees peeled for that purpose, were various representations of men going to and returning from the wars, and of some being killed in battle. This was a path here- tofore used by warriors, and as I walked about viewing those Indian histories, which were painted mostly in red or black, and thinking on the innumerable afflictions which the proud, fierce spirit pro- duceth in the world, also on the toils and fatigues of warriors in travelUng over mountains and deserts; on their miseries and dis- tresses when far from home and wounded by their enemies; of their bruises and great weariness in chasing one another over the rocks and mountains; of the restless, unquiet state of mind of those who live in this spirit, and of the hatred which mutually grows up in the minds of their children, — the desire to cherish the spirit of love and peace among these people arose very fresh in me. 26o THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN This was the first night that we lodged in the woods, and being wet with traveUing in the rain, as were also our blankets, the ground, our tent, and the bushes under which we purposed to lay, all looked discouraging; but I believed that it was the Lord who had thus far brought me forward, and that he would dispose of me as he saw good, and so I felt easy. We kindled a fire, with our tent open to it, then laid some bushes next the ground, and put our blankets upon them for our bed, and, lying down, got some sleep. In the morning, feeling a little unwell, I went into the river; the water was cold, but soon after I felt fresh and well. About eight o'clock we set forward and crossed a high mountain supposed to be upward of four miles over, the north side being the steepest. About noon we were over- taken by one of the Moravian brethren going to Wehaloosing, and an Indian man with him who could talk English; and we being together while our horses ate grass had some friendly conversation; but they, travelling faster than we, soon left us. This Moravian, I understood, has this spring spent some time at Wehaloosing, and was invited by some of the Indians to come again. Twelfth of sixth month being the first of the week and a rainy day, we continued in our tent, and I was led to think on the nature of the exercise which hath attended me. Love was the first motion, and thence a concern arose to spend some time with the Indians, that I might feel and understand their life and the spirit they live in, if haply I might receive some instruction from them, or they might be in any degree helped forward by my following the lead- ings of truth among them; and as it pleased the Lord to make way for my going at a time when the troubles of war were increasing, and when, by reason of much wet weather, travelling was more difficult than usual at that season, I looked upon it as a more favor- able opportunity to season my mind, and to bring me into a nearer sympathy with them. As mine eye was to the great Father of Mercies, humbly desiring to learn his will concerning me, I was made quiet and content. Our guide's horse strayed, though hoppled, in the night, and after searching some time for him his footsteps were discovered in the path going back, whereupon my kind companion went off in the rain, and after about seven hours returned with him. Here we THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 261 lodged again, tying up our horses before we went to bed, and loosing them to feed about break of day. Thirteenth of sixth month. — The sun appearing, we set forward, and as I rode over the barren hills my meditations were on the alterations in the circumstances of the natives of this land since the coming in of the English. The lands near the sea are conveniently situated for fishing; the lands near the rivers, where the tides flow, and some above, are in many places fertile, and not mountainous, while the changing of the tides makes passing up and down easy with any kind of traffic. The natives have in some places, for trifling considerations, sold their inheritance so favorably situated, and in other places have been driven back by superior force; their way of clothing themselves is also altered from what it was, and they being far removed from us have to pass over mountains, swamps, and barren deserts, so that travelling is very troublesome in bringing their skins and furs to trade with us. By the extension of English settlements, and partly by the increase of English hunters, the wild beasts on which the natives chiefly depend for subsistence are not so plentiful as they were, and people too often, for the sake of gain, induce them to waste their skins and furs in purchasing a liquor which tends to the ruin of them and their families. My own will and desires were now very much broken, and my heart was with much earnestness turned to the Lord, to whom alone I looked for help in the dangers before me. I had a prospect of the English along the coast for upwards of nine hundred miles, where I travelled, and their favorable situation and the difficulties attending the natives as well as the negroes in many places were open before me. A weighty and heavenly care came over my mind, and love filled my heart towards all mankind, in which I felt a strong engagement that we might be obedient to the Lord while in tender mercy he is yet calling to us, and that we might so attend to pure universal righteousness as to give no just cause of offence to the gentiles, who do not profess Christianity, whether they be the blacks from Africa, or the native inhabitants of this continent. Here I was led into a close and laborious inquiry whether I, as an indi- vidual, kept clear from all things which tended to stir up or were connected with wars, either in this land or in Africa; my heart was 262 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN deeply concerned that in future I might in all things keep steadily to the pure truth, and live and walk in the plainness and simplicity of a sincere follower of Christ. In this lonely journey I did greatly bewail the spreading of a wrong spirit, believing that the prosper- ous, convenient situation of the English would require a constant attention in us to Divine love and wisdom, in order to their being guided and supported in a way answerable to the will of that good, gracious, and Almighty Being, who hath an equal regard to all mankind. And here luxury and covetousness, with the numerous oppressions and other evils attending them, appeared very afflicting to me, and I felt in that which is immutable that the seeds of great calamity and desolation are sown and growing fast on this continent. Nor have I words sufficient to set forth the longing I then felt, that we who are placed along the coast, and have tasted the love and goodness of God, might arise in the strength thereof, and like faith- ful messengers labor to check the growth of these seeds, that they may not ripen to the ruin of our posterity. On reaching the Indian settlement at Wyoming, we were told that an Indian runner had been at that place a day or two before us, and brought news of the Indians having taken an English fort westward, and destroyed the people, and that they were endeavoring to take another; also that another Indian runner came there about the middle of the previous night from a town about ten miles from Wehaloosing, and brought the news that some Indian warriors from distant parts came to that town with two English scalps, and told the people that it was war with the English. Our guides took us to the house of a very ancient man. Soon after we had put in our baggage there came a man from another Indian house some distance off. Perceiving there was a man near the door I went out; the man had a tomahawk wrapped under his matchnrENTS Promising 34° Fidelity 34° Master 34° Servant 34' Jealousy 34' Posterity 34^ A Country Life 34* Art and Project 343 Industry 343 Temporal Happiness 343 Respect 345 Hazard 345 Detraction 345 Moderation 34^ Trick 34^ Passion 34^ Personal Cautions 347 Ballance 34* Popularity 349 Privacy 349 Government 35° A Private Life 353 A PuBLicK Life 353 Qualifications 354 Capacity 354 Clean Hands 354 Dispatch 354 Patience 355 Impartiality 355 Indifferency 357 Neutrality 357 A Party Ostentation CoMPLEAT Virtue Religion 357 358 358 359 THE PREFACE Readek, — This Enchiridion, I present thee with, is the Fruit of Soli- tude: A School few care to learn in, tho' None instructs us better. Some Parts of it are the Result of serious Reflection: Others the Flashings of Lucid Intervals: Writ for private Satisfaction, and now publish'd for an Help to Human Conduct. The Author blesseth God for his Retirement, and kisses that Gentle Hand which led him into it: For though it should prove Barren to the World, it can never do so to him. He has now had some Time he could call his own; a Property he was never so much Master of before: In which he has taken a View of him- self and the World; and observed wherein he hath hit and mist the Mark; What might have been done, what mended, and what avoided in his Human Conduct: Together with the Omissions and Excesses of others, as well Societies and Governments, as private Families, and Per- sons. And he verily thinks, were he to live over his Life again, he could not only, with God's Grace, serve Him, but his Neighbor and himself, better than he hath done, and have Seven Years of his Time to spare. And yet perhaps he hath not been the Worst or the Idlest Man in the World; nor is he the Oldest. And this is the rather said, that it might quicken. Thee, Reader, to lose none of the Time that is yet thine. There is nothing of which we are apt to be so lavish as of Time, and about which we ought to be more solicitous; since without it we can do nothing in this World. Time is what we want most, but what, alas! we use worst; and for which God will certairJy most stricdy reckon with us, when Time shall be no more. It is of that Moment to us in Reference to both Worlds, that I can hardly wish any Man better, than that he would seriously consider what he does with his Time: How and to What Ends he Employs it; and what Returns he makes to God, his Neighbor and Himself for it. Will he ne'er have a Leidger for this? This, the greatest Wisdom and Work of Life. To come but once into the World, and Trifle away our true Enjoy- ment of it, and of our selves in it, is lamentable indeed. This one Reflec- tion would yield a thinking Person great Instruction. And since nothing below Man can so Think; Man, in being Thoughdess, must needs fall below himself. And that, to be sure, such do, as are unconcern'd in the Use of their most Precious Time. 319 320 THE PREFACE This is but too evident, if we will allow our selves to consider, that there's hardly any Thing we uke by the Right End, or improve to its just Advantage. We understand little of the Works of God, either in Nature or Grace. We pursue False Knowledge, and Mistake Education extreamly. We are violent in our Affections, Confused and Immethodical in our whole Life; making That a Burthen, which was given for a Blessing; and so of iitde Comfort to our selves or others; Misapprehending the true Notion of Happiness, and so missing of the Right Use of Life, and Way of happy Living. And till we are perswaded to stop, and step a Iitde aside, out of the noisy Crowd and Incumbering Hurry of the World, and Calmly take a Prospect of Things, it will be impossible we should be able to make a right Judgment of our Selves or know our own Misery. But after we have made the just Reckonings which Retirement will help us to, we shall begin to think the World in great measure Mad, and that we have been in a sort of Bedlam all this while. Reader, whether Young or Old, think it not too soon or too late to turn over the Leaves of thy past Life: And be sure to fold down where any Passage of it may affect thee; And bestow thy Remainder of Time, to correct those Faults in thy future Conduct; Be it in Relation to this or the next life. What thou wouldst do, if what thou hast done were to do again, be sure to do as long as thou livest, upon the like Occasions. Our Resolutions seem to be Vigorous, as often as we reflect upon our past Errors; But, Alas! they are apt to flat again upon fresh Temptations to the same Things. The Author does not pretend to deliver thee an Exact Piece; his Busi- ness not being Ostentation, but Charity. 'T is Miscellaneous in the Matter of it, and by no means Artificial in the Composure. But it con- tains Hints, that it may serve thee for Texts to Preach to thy Self upon, and which comprehend Much of the Course of Human Life: Since whether thou art Parent or Child, Prince or Subject, Master or Servant, Single or Married, Publick or Private, Mean or Honorable, Rich or Poor, Prosperous or Improsperous, in Peace or Controversy, in Business or Solitude; Whatever be thy Inclination or Aversion, Practice or Duty, thou wilt find something not unsuitably said for thy Direction and Advantage. Accept and Improve what deserves thy Notice; The rest excuse, and place to account of good Will to Thee and the whole Creation of God. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE IN REFLECTIONS AND MAXIMS PART I IGNORANCE IT IS admirable to consider how many Millions of People come into, and go out of the World, Ignorant of themselves, and of the World they have lived in. 2. If one went to see Windsor-Castle, or Hampton-Court, it would be strange not to observe and remember the Situation, the Building, the Gardens, Fountains, &c. that make up the Beauty and Pleasure of such a Seat? And yet few People know themselves; No, not their own Bodies, the Houses of their Minds, the most curious Structure of the World; a Hving walking Tabernacle: Nor the World of which it was made, and out of which it is fed; which would be so much our Benefit, as well as our Pleasure, to know. We cannot doubt of this when we are told that the Invisible Things of God are brought to light by the Things that are seen; and consequently we read our Duty in them as often as we look upon them, to him that is the Great and Wise Author of them, if we look as we should do. 3. The World is certainly a great and stately Volume of natural Things; and may be not improperly styled the Hieroglyphicks of a better: But, alas! how very few Leaves of it do we seriously turn over! This ought to be the Subject of the Education of our Youth, who, at Twenty, when they should be fit for Business, know little or nothing of it. EDUCATION 4. We are in Pain to make them Scholars, but not Men! To talk, rather than to know, which is true Canting. 31" 322 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 5. The first Thing obvious to Children is what 'is sensible; and that we make no Part of their rudiments. 6. We press their Memory too soon, and puzzle, strain, and load them with Words and Rules; to know Grammer and Rhetorick, and a strange Tongue or two, that it is ten to one may never be useful to them; Leaving their natural Genius to Mechanical and Physical, or natural Knowledge uncultivated and neglected; which would be of exceeding Use and Pleasure to them through the whole Course of their Life. 7. To be sure. Languages are not to be despised or neglected. But Things are still to be preferred. 8. Children had rather be making of Tools and Instruments of Play; Shaping, Drawing, Framing, and Building, &c. than getting some Rules of Propriety of Speech by Heart: And those also would follow with more Judgment, and less Trouble and Time. 9. It were Happy if we studied Nature more in natural Things; and acted according to Nature; whose rules are few, plain and most reasonable. 10. Let us begin where she begins, go her Pace, and close always where she ends, and we cannot miss of being good Naturalists. 11. The Creation would not be longer a Riddle to us: The Heav- ens, Earth, and Waters, with their respective, various and numerous Inhabitants: Their Productions, Natures, Seasons, Sympathies and Antipathies; their Use, Benefit and Pleasure, would be better under- stood by us: And an eternal Wisdom, Power, Majesty, and Good- ness, very conspicuous to us, thro* those sensible and passing Forms: The World wearing the Mark of its Maker, whose Stamp is every- where visible, and the Characters very legible to the Children of Wisdom. 12. And it would go a great way to caution and direct People in their Use of the World, that they were better studied and known in the Creation of it. 13. For how could Man find the Confidence to abuse it, while they should see the Great Creator stare them in the Face, in all and every part thereof? 14. Their Ignorance makes them insensible, and that Insensibil- ity hardy in misusing this noble Creation, that has the Stamp SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 323 and Voice of a Deity every where, and in every Thing to the Ob- serving. 15. It is pity therefore that Books have not been composed for Youth, by some curious and careful Naturahsts, and also Mechan- icks, in the Latin Tongue, to be used in Schools, that they might learn Things with Words: Things obvious and familiar to them, and which would make the Tongue easier to be obtained by them. 16. Many able Gardiners and Husbandmen are yet Ignorant of the Reason of their Calling; as most Artificers are of the Reason of their own Rules that govern their excellent Workmanship. But a Naturalist and Mechanick of this sort is Master of the Reason of both, and might be of the Practice too, if his Industry kept pace with his Speculation; which were very commendable; and without which he cannot be said to be a complete Naturalist or Mechanick. 17. Finally, if Man be the Index or Epitomy of the World, as Philosophers tell us, we have only to read our selves well to be learned in it. But because there is nothing we less regard than the Characters of the Power that made us, which are so clearly written upon us and the World he has given us, and can best tell us what we are and should be, we are even Strangers to our own Genius: The Glass in which we should see that true instructing and agree- able Variety, which is to be observed in Nature, to the Admiration of that Wisdom and Adoration of that Power which made us all. PRIDE 18. And yet we are very apt to be full of our selves, instead of Him that made what we so much value; and, but for whom we can have no Reason to value our selves. For we have nothing that we can call our own; no, not our selves: For we are all but Tenants, and at Will too, of the great Lord of our selves, and the rest of this great Farm, the World that we live upon. 19. But methinks we cannot answer it to our Selves as well as our Maker, that we should live and die ignorant of our Selves, and thereby of Him and the Obligations we are under to Him for our Selves. 20. If the worth of a Gift sets the Obligation, and directs the 324 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE return of the Party that receives it; he that is ignorant of it, will be at a loss to value it and the Giver, for it. 21. Here is Man in his Ignorance of himself. He knows not how to estimate his Creator, because he knows not how to value his Creation. If we consider his Make, and lovely Compositure; the several Stories of his lovely Structure. His divers Members, their Order, Function and Dependency: The Instruments of Food, the Vessels of Digestion, the several Transmutations it passes. And how Nourishment is carried and diffused throughout the whole Body, by most innate and imperceptible Passages. How the Animal Spirit is thereby refreshed, and with an unspeakable Dexterity and Motion sets all Parts at work to feed themselves. And last of all, how the Rational Soul is seated in the Animal, as its proper House, as is the Animal in the Body: I say if this rare Fabrick alone were but considered by us, with all the rest by which it is fed and com- forted, surely Man would have a more reverent Sense of the Power, Wisdom and Goodness of God, and of that Duty he owes to Him for it. But if he would be acquainted with his own Soul, its noble Faculties, its Union with the Body, its Nature and End, and the Providences by which the whole Frame of Humanity is preserved, he would Admire and Adore his Good and Great God. But Man is become a strange Contradiction to himself; but it is of himself; Not being by Constitution, but Corruption, such. 22. He would have others obey him, even his own kind; but he will not obey God, that is so much above him, and who made him. 23. He will lose none of his Authority; no, not bate an Ace of it: He is humorous' to his Wife, he beats his Children, is angry with his Servants, strict with his Neighbors, revenges all Affronts to Extremity; but, alas, forgets all the while that he is the Man; and is more in Arrear to God, that is so very patient with him, than they are to him with whom he is so strict and impatient. 24. He is curious to wash, dress, and perfume his Body, but care- less of his Soul. The one shall have many Hours, the other not so many Minutes. This shall have three or four new Suits in a Year, but that must wear its old Cloaths still. 25. If he be to receive or see a great Man, how nice and anxious ' Capricious. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 325 is he that all things be in order? And with what Respect and Address does he approach and make his Court? But to God, how dry and formal and constrained in his Devotion? 26. In his Prayers he says. Thy Will be done: But means his own: At least acts so. 27. It is too frequent to begin with God and end with the World. But He is the good Man's Beginning and End; his Alpha and Omega. LUXURY 28. Such is now become our Delicacy, that we will not eat ordinary Meat, nor drink small, pall'd^ Liquor; we must have the best, and the best cook'd for our Bodies, while our Souls feed on empty or corrupted Things. 29. In short, Man is spending all upon a bare House, and hath little or no Furniture within to recommend it; which is preferring the Cabinet before the Jewel, a Lease of seven Years before an inheri- tance. So absurd a thing is Man, after all his proud Pretences to Wit and Understanding. INCONSIDERATION 30. The want of due Consideration is the Cause of all the Un- happiness Man brings upon himself. For his second Thoughts rarely agree with his first, which pass not without a considerable Retrench- ment or Correction. And yet that sensible Warning is, too fre- quently, not Precaution enough for his future Conduct. 31. Well may we say our Infelicity is of our selves; since there is nothing we do that we should not do, but we know it, and yet do it. DISAPPOINTMENT AND RESIGNATION 32. For Disappointments, that come not by our own Folly, they are the Tryals or Corrections of Heaven: And it is our own Fault, if they prove not our Advantage. 33. To repine at them does not mend the Matter: It is only to grumble at our Creator. But to see the Hand of God in them, 'Stale. 326 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE with an humble submission to his Will, is the Way to turn our Water into Wine^ and engage the greatest Love and Mercy on our side. 34. We must needs disorder our selves, if we only look at our Losses. But if we consider how little we deserve what is left, our Passion will cool, and our Murmurs will turn into Thankfulness. 35. If our Hairs fall not to the Ground, less do we or our Sub- stance without God's Providence. 36. Nor can we fall below the Arms of God, how low soever it be we fall. 37. For though our Saviour's Passion is over, his Compassion is not. That never fails his humble, sincere Disciples: In him, they find more than all that they lose in the World. MURMURING 38. Is it reasonable to take it ill, that any Body desires of us that which is their own? All we have is the Almighty's: And shall not God have his own when he calls for it? 39. Discontentedness is not only in such a Case Ingratitude, but Injustice. For we are both unthankful for the time we had it, and not honest enough to restore it, if we could keep it. 40. But it is hard for us to look on things in such a Glass, and at such a Distance from this low World; and yet it is our Duty, and would be our Wisdom and our Glory to do so, CENSORIOUSNESS 41. We are apt to be very pert at censuring others, where we will not endure advice our selves. And nothing shews our Weakness more than to be so sharp-sighted at spying other Men's Faults; and so purblind about our own. 42. When the Actions of a Neighbor are upon the Stage, we can have all our Wits about us, are so quick and critical we can split an Hair, and find out ever Failure and Infirmity: But are without feeling, or have but very little Sense of our own. 43. Much of this comes from 111 Nature, as well as from an in- ordinate Value of our selves: For we love Rambling better than SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 327 home, and blaming the unhappy, rather than covering and relieving them. 44. In such Occasions some shew their Malice, and are witty upon Misfortunes; others their Justice, they can reflect a pace: But few or none their Charity; especially if it be about Money Matters. 45. You shall see an old Miser come forth with a set Gravity, and so much Severity against the distressed, to excuse his Purse, that he will, e'er he has done, put it out of all Question, That Riches is Righteousness with him. This, says he, is the Fruit of your Prodi- gality (as if, poor Man, Covetousness were no Fault) Or, of your Projects, or grasping after a great Trade: While he himself would have done the same thing, but that he had not the Courage to ven- ture so much ready Money out of his own trusty Hands, though it had been to have brought him back the Indies in return. But the Proverb is just, Vice should not correct Sin. 46. They have a Right to censure, that have a Heart to help: The rest is Cruelty, not Justice. BOUNDS OF CHARITY 47. Lend not beyond thy Ability, nor refuse to lend out of thy Ability; especially when it will help others more than it can hurt thee. 48. If thy Debtor be honest and capable, thou hast thy Mony again, if not with Encrease, with Praise: If he prove insolvent, don't ruin him to get that, which it will not ruin thee to lose: For thou art but a Steward, and another is thy Owner, Master and Judge. 49. The more merciful Acts thou dost, the more Mercy thou wilt receive; and if with a charitable Imployment of thy Temporal Riches, thou gainest eternal Treasure, thy Purchase is infinite: Thou wilt have found the Art of Multiplying* indeed. FRUGALITY OR BOUNTY 50. Frugality is good if Liberality be Join'd with it. The first is leaving off superfluous Expences; the last bestowing them to the Benefit of others that need. The first without the last begins Covet- ousness; the last without the first begins Prodigality: Both together 'The term used by the alchemists for increasing the precious metals. 328 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE make an excellent Temper. Happy the Place where ever that is found. 51. Were it universal, we should be Cur'd of two Extreams, Want and Excess: and the one would supply the other, and so bring both nearer to a Mean; the just Degree of earthly Happiness. 52. It is a Reproach to Religion and Government to suffer so much Poverty and Excess. 53. Were the Superfluities of a Nation valued, and made a per- petual Tax or Benevolence, there would be more Almshouses than Poor; Schools than Scholars; and enough to spare for Government besides. 54. Hospitality is good, if the poorer sort are the subjects of our Bounty; else too near a Superfluity. DISCIPLINE 55. If thou wouldst be happy and easie in thy Family, above all things observe Discipline. 56. Every one in it should know their Duty; and there should be a Time and Place for every thing; and whatever else is done or omitted, be sure to begin and end with God. INDUSTRY 57. Love Labor: For if thou dost not want it for Food, thou mayest for Physick. It is wholesom for thy Body, and good for thy Mind. It prevents the Fruits of Idleness, which many times comes of nothing to do, and leads too many to do what is worse than nothing. 58. A Garden, an Elaboratory, a Work-house, Improvements and Breeding, are pleasant and Profitable Diversions to the Idle and Ingenious: For here they miss 111 Company, and converse with Nature and Art; whose Variety are equally grateful and instructing; and preserve a good Constitution of Body and Mind. TEMPERANCE 59. To this a spare Diet contributes much. Eat therefore to live, and do not live to eat. That's like a Man, but this below a Beast. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 329 60. Have wholesome, but not costly Food, and be rather cleanly than dainty in ordering it. 61. The Receipts of Cookery are swell'd to a Volume, but a good Stomach excels them all; to which nothing contributes more than Industry and Temperance. 62. It is a cruel Folly to offer up to Ostentation so many Lives of Creatures, as make up the State of our Treats; as it is a prodigal one to spend more in Sawce than in Meat. 63. The Proverb says. That enough is as good as a Feast : But it is certainly better, if Sujierfluity be a Fault, which never fails to be at Festivals. 64. If thou rise with an Appetite, thou art sure never to sit down without one. 65. Rarely drink but when thou art dry; nor then, between Meals, if it can be avoided. 66. The smaller* the Drink, the clearer the Head, and the cooler the Blood; which are great Benefits in Temper and Business. 67. Strong Liquors are good at some Times, and in small Pro- portions; being better for Physick than Food, for Cordials than common Use. 68. The most common things are the most useful; which shews both the Wisdom and Goodness of the great Lord of the Family of the World. 69. What therefore he has made rare, don't thou use too com- monly: Lest thou shouldest invert the Use and Order of things; become Wanton and Voluptuous; and thy Blessings prove a Curse. 70. Let nothing be lost, said our Saviour. But that is lost that is misused. 71. Neither urge another to that thou wouldst be unwilling to do thy self, nor do thy self what looks to thee unseemly, and intemperate in another. 72. All Excess is ill: But Drunkenness is of the worst Sort. It spoils Health, dismounts the Mind, and unmans Men: It reveals Secrets, is Quarrelsome, Lascivious, Impudent, Dangerous and Mad. In fine, he that is drunk is not a Man: Because he is so long void of Reason, that distinguishes a Man from a Beast. < Weaker. 330 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITLJDE APPAREL 73. Excess in Apparel is another costly Folly. The very Trimming of the vain World would cloath all the naked one. 74. Chuse thy Cloaths by thine own Eyes, not another's. The more plain and simple they are, the better. Neither unshapely, nor fantastical; and for Use and Decency, and not for Pride. 75. If thou art clean and warm, it is suflRcient; tor more doth but rob the Poor, and please the Wanton. 76. It is said of the true Church, the King's Daughter is all glorious within. Let our Care therefore be of our Minds more than of our Bodies, if we would be of her Communion. 77. We are told with Truth, that Meekness and Modesty are the Rich and Charming Attire of the Soul: And the plainer the Dress, the more Distinctly, and with greater Lustre, their Beauty shines. 78. It is great Pity such Beauties are so rare, and those of Jezebel's Forehead are so common: Whose Dresses are Incentives to Lust; but Bars instead of Motives, to Love or Vertue. RIGHT MARRIAGE 79. Never Marry but for Love; but see that thou lov'st what is lovely, 80. If Love be not thy chiefest Motive, thou wilt soon grow weary of a Married State, and stray from thy Promise, to search out thy Pleasures in forbidden Places. 81. Let not Enjoyment lessen, but augment Affection; it being the basest of Passions to like when we have not, what we slight when we possess. 82. It is the difference betwixt Lust and Love, that this is fixt, that volatile. Love grows. Lust wastes by Enjoyment: And the Reason is, that one springs from an Union of Souls, and the other from an Union of Sense. 83. They have Divers Originals, and so are of different FamiHes: That inward and deep, this superficial; this transient, and that parmanent. 84. They that Marry for Money cannot have the true Satisfaction of Marriage; the requisite Means being wanting. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 33 1 85. Men are generally more careful of the Breed of their Horses and Dogs than of their Children. 86. Those must be of the best Sort, for Shape, Strength, Courage and good Conditions: But as for these, their own Posterity, Money shall answer all Things. With such, it makes the Crooked Streight, sets Squint-Eyes Right, cures Madness, covers Folly, changes ill Conditions, mends the Skin, gives a sweet Breath, repairs Honors, makes Young, works Wonders. 87. O how sordid is Man grown! Man, the noblest Creature in the World, as a God on Earth, and the Image of him that made it; thus to mistake Earth for Heaven, and worship Gold for God! AVARICE 88. Covetousness is the greatest of Monsters, as well as the Root of all Evil. I have once seen the Man that dyed to save Charges. What! Give Ten ShiUings to a Doctor, and have an Apothecary's Bill besides, that may come to I know not what! No, not he: Valuing Life less than Twenty Shillings. But indeed such a Man could not well set too low a Price upon himself; who, though he liv'd up to the Chin in Bags, had rather die than find in his Heart to open one of them, to help to save his Life. 89. Such a Man is felo de sei" and deserves not Christian Burial. 90. He is a common Nusance, a Weyer' cross the Stream, that stops the Current: An Obstruction, to be remov'd by a Purge of the Law. The only Gratification he gives his Neighbors, is to let them see that he himself is as little the better for what he has, as they are. For he always looks like Lent; a Sort of Lay Minim.^ In some Sense he may be compar'd to Pharoah's lean Kine, for all that he has does him no good. He commonly wears his Cloaths till they leave him, or that no Body else can wear them. He affects to be thought poor, to escape Robbery and Taxes: And by looking as if he wanted an Alms, excusing himself from giving any. He ever goes late to Markets, to cover buying the worst: But does it because that is cheapest. He lives of the Offal. His Life were an insupportable Punishment to any Temper but his own: And no ^ A suicide. ' Dam. ^ One of an order of monks pledged to the observance of perpetual Lent. 332 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE greater Torment to him on Earth, than to Uve as other Men do. But the Misery of his Pleasure is, that he is never satisfied with getting, and always in Fear of losing what he cannot use. 91. How vilely has he lost himself, that becomes a Slave to his Servant, and exalts him to the Dignity of his Maker! Gold is the God, the Wife, the Friend of the Money-Monger of the World. 92. But in Marriage do thou be wise; prefer the Person before Money; Vertue before Beauty, the Mind before the Body: Then thou hast a Wife, a Friend, a Companion, a Second Self; one that bears an equal Share with thee in all thy Toy Is and Troubles. 93. Chuse one that Measures her satisfaction, Safety and Danger, by thine; and of whom thou art sure, as of thy secretest Thoughts: A Friend as well as a Wife, which indeed a Wife implies: For she is but half a Wife that is not, or is not capable of being such a Friend. 94. Sexes make no Difference; since in Souls there is none: And they are the Subjects of Friendship. 95. He that minds a Body and not a Soul, has not the better Part of that Relation; and will consequently want the Noblest Comfort of a Married Life. 96. The Satisfaction of our Senses is low, short, and transient: But the Mind gives a more raised and extended Pleasure, and is capable of an Happiness founded upon Reason; not bounded and limited by the Circumstances that Bodies are confin'd to. 97. Here it is we ought to search out our Pleasure, where the Field is large and full of Variety, and of an induring Nature: Sick- ness, Poverty, or Disgrace, being not able to shake it, because it is not under the moving Influences of Worldly Contingencies. 98. The Satisfaction of those that do so is in well-doing, and in the Assurance they have of a future Reward: That they are best loved of those they love most, and that they enjoy and value the Liberty of their Minds above that of their Bodies; having the whole Creation for their Prospect, the most Noble and Wonderful Works and Providences of God, the Histories of the Antients, and in them the Actions and Examples of the Vertuous; and lastly, themselves, their Affairs and Family, to exercise their Minds and Friendship upon. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITIJDE 333 99. Nothing can be more entire and without Reserve; nothing more zealous, affectionate and sincere; nothing more contented and constant than such a Couple; nor no greater temporal Felicity than to be one of them. 100. Between a Man and his Wife nothing ought to rule but Love. Authority is for Children and Servants; yet not without Sweetness. loi. As Love ought to bring them together, so it is the best Way to keep them well together. 102. Wherefore use her not as a Servant, whom thou would'st, perhaps, have serv'd Seven Years to have obtained. 103. An Husband and Wife that love and value one another, shew their Children and Servants, That they should do so too. Others visibly lose their Authority in their Families by their Con- tempt of one another; and teach their Children to be unnatural by their own Example. 104. It is a general Fault, not to be more careful to preserve Nature in Children; who, at least in the second Descent, hardly have the Feeling of their Relation; which must be an unpleasant Reflection to affectionate Parents. 105. Frequent Visits, Presents, intimate Correspondence and Inter- marriages within allowed Bounds, are Means of keeping up the Con- cern and Affection that Nature requires from Relations. FRIENDSHIP 106. Friendship is the next Pleasure we may hope for: And where we find it not at home, or have no home to find it in, we may seek it abroad. It is an Union of Spirits, a Marriage of Hearts, and the Bond thereof Vertue. 107. There can be no Friendship where there is no Freedom. Friendship loves a free Air, and will not be penned up in streight and narrow Enclosures. It will speak freely, and act so too; and take nothing ill where no ill is meant; nay, where it is, 'twill easily forgive, and forget too, upon small Acknowledgments. 108. Friends are true Twins in Soul; they Sympathize in every thing, and have the Love and Aversion. 109. One is not happy without the other, nor can either of them 334 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE be miserable alone. As if they could change Bodies, they take their turns in Pain as well as in Pleasure; relieving one another in their most adverse Conditions. no. What one enjoys, the other cannot Want. Like the Primitive Christians, they have all things in common, and no Property but in one another. QUALITIES OF A FRIEND 111. A true Friend unbosoms freely, advises justly, assists readily, adventures boldly, takes all patiently, defends courageously, and continues a Friend unchangeably. 112. These being the Qualities of a Friend, we are to find them before we chuse one. 113. The Covetous, the Angry, the Proud, the Jealous, the Talka- tive, cannot but make ill Friends, as well as the False. 114. In short, chuse a Friend as thou dost a Wife, till Death seperate you. 115. Yet be not a Friend beyond the Altar: but let Virtue bound thy Friendship: Else it is not Friendship, but an Evil Confederacy. 116. If my Brother or Kinsman will be my Friend, I ought to prefer him before a Stranger, or I shew little Duty or Nature to my Parents. 117. And as we ought to prefer our Kindred in Point of Affection, «) too in Point of Charity, if equally needing and deserving. CAUTION AND CONDUCT 118. Be not easily acquainted, lest finding Reason to cool, thou makest an Enemy instead of a good Neighbor. 119. Be Reserved, but not Sour; Grave, but not Formal; Bold, but not Rash; Humble, but not Servile; Patient, not Insensible; Constant, not Obstinate; Chearful, not Light; Rather Sweet than Familiar; Familiar, than Intimate; and Intimate with very few, and upon very good Grounds. 120. Return the Civilities thou receivest, and be grateful for Favors. REPARATION 121. If thou hast done an Injury to another, rather own it than defend it. One way thou gainest Forgiveness, the other, thou doubl'st the Wrong and Reckoning. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 335 122. Some oppose Honor to Submission : But it can be no Honor to maintain, what it is dishonorable to do. 123. To confess a Fault, that is none, out of Fear, is indeed mean: But not to be afraid of standing in one, is Brutish. 124. We should make more Haste to Right our Neighbor, than we do to wrong him, and instead of being Vindicative, we should leave him to be Judge of his own Satisfaction. 125. True Honor will pay treble Damages, rather than justifie one wrong with another. 126. In such Controversies, it is but too common for some to say, Both are to blame, to excuse their own Unconcernedness, which is a base Neutrality. Others will cry. They are both alike; thereby involving the Injured with the Guilty, to mince the Matter for the Faulty, or cover their own Injustice to the wronged Party. 127. Fear and Gain are great Perverters of Mankind, and where either prevail, the Judgment is violated. RULES OF CONVERSATION 128. Avoid Company where it is not profitable or necessary; and in those Occasions speak little, and last. 129. Silence is Wisdom, where Speaking is Folly; and always safe. 130. Some are so Foolish as to interrupt and anticipate those that speak, instead of hearing and thinking before they answer; which is uncivil as well as silly. 131. If thou thinkest twice, before thou speakest once, thou wilt speak twice the better for it. 132. Better say nothing than not to the Purpose. And to speak pertinently, consider both what is fit, and when it is fit to speak. 133. In all Debates, let Truth be thy Aim, not Victory, or an unjust Interest: And endeavor to gain, rather than to expose thy Antagonist. 134. Give no Advantage in Argument, nor lose any that is offered. This is a Benefit which arises from Temper. 135. Don't use thy self to dispute against thine own Judgment, to shew Wit, lest it prepare thee to be too indifferent about what is Right: Nor against another Man, to vex him, or for mere Trial 336 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE of Skill; since to inform, or to be informed, ought to be the End of all Conferences. 136. Men are too apt to be concerned for their Credit, more than for the Cause. ELOQUENCE 137. There is a Truth and Beauty in Rhetorick; but it oftener serves ill Turns than good ones. 138. Elegancy is a good Meen and Address given to Matter, be it by proper or figurative Speech: Where the Words are apt, and allusions very natural. Certainly it has a moving Grace: But it is too artificial for Simplicity, and oftentimes for Truth. The Danger is, lest it delude the Weak, who in such Cases may mistake the Handmaid for the Mistress, if not Error for Truth. 139. 'T is certain Truth is least indebted to it, because she has least need of it, and least uses it. 140. But it is a reprovable Delicacy in them, that despise Truth in plain Cloths. 141. Such Luxuriants have but false Appetites; like those Gluttons, that by Sawces force them, where they have no Stomach, and Sacri- fice to their Pallate, not their Health: Which cannot be without great Vanity, nor That without some Sin. TEMPER 142. Nothing does Reason more Right, than the Coolness of those that offer it: For Truth often suffers more by the Heat of its Defenders, than from the Arguments of its Opposers. 143. Zeal ever follows an Appearance of Truth, and the Assured are too apt to be warm; but 't is their weak side in Argument; Zeal being better shewn against Sin, than Persons or their Mistakes. TRUTH 144. Where thou art Obliged to speak, be sure speak the Truth: For Equivocation is half way to Lying, as Lying, the whole way to Hell. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 337 JUSTICE 145. Believe nothing against another but upon good Authority: Nor report what may hurt another, unless it be a greater hurt to others to conceal it. SECRECY 146. It is wise not to seek a Secret, and honest not to reveal one. 147. Only trust thy self, and another shall not betray thee. 148. Openness has the Mischief, though not the Malice of Treachery. COMPLACENCY 149. Never assent merely to please others. For that is, besides Flattery, oftentimes Untruth; and discovers a Mind liable to be servile and base: Nor contradict to vex others, for that shows an ill Temper, and provokes, but profits no Body. SHIFTS 150. Do not accuse others to excuse thy self; for that is neither Generous nor Just. But let Sincerity and Ingenuity be thy Refuge, rather than Craft and Falsehood: for Cunning borders very near upon Knavery. 151. Wisdom never uses nor wants it. Cunning to Wise, is as an Ape to a Man. INTEREST 152. Interest has the Security, tho' not the Virtue of a Principle. As the World goes 't is the surer side; For Men daily leave both Relations and Religion to follow it. 153. 'T is an odd Sight, but very evident. That Families and Nations, of cross Religions and Humors unite against those of their own, where they find an Interest to do it. 154. We are tied down by our Senses to this World; and where that is in Question, it can be none with Worldly Men, whether they should not forsake all other Considerations for it. 338 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE INQUIRY 155. Have a care of Vulgar Errors. Dislike, as well as Allow Reasonably. 156. Inquiry is Human; Blind Obedience Brutal. Truth never loses by the one, but often suffers by the other. 157. The usefulest Truths are plainest: And while we keep to them, our Differences cannot rise high. 158. There may be a Wantonness in Search, as well as a Stu- pidity in Trusting. It is great Wisdom equally to avoid the Extreams. RIGHT-TIMING 159. Do nothing improperly. Some are Witty, Kind, Cold, Angry, Easie, Stiff, Jealous, Careless, Cautious, Confident, Close, Open, but all in the wrong Place. 160. It is all mistaking where the Matter is of Importance. 161. It is not enough that a thing be Right, if it be not fit to be done. If not Imprudent, tho' Just, it is not advisable. He that loses by getting, had better lose than get. KNOWLEDGE 162. Knowledge is the Treasure, but Judgment the Treasurer of a Wise Man. 163. He that has more Knowledge than Judgment, is made for another Man's use more than his own. 164. It cannot be a good Constitution, where the Appetite is great and the Digestion is weak. 165. There are some Men like Dictionaries; to be lookt into upon occasions, but have no Connection, and are little entertaining. 166. Less Knowledge than Judgment will always have the advan- tage u{X)n the Injudicious knowing Man. 167. A Wise Man makes what he learns his own, 'tother shows he's but a Copy, or a Collection at most. WIT 168. Wit is an happy and striking way of expressing a Thought. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 339 169. 'Tis not often tho' it be lively and mantling, that it carries a great Body with it. 170. Wit therefore is fitter for Diversion than Business, being more grateful to Fancy than Judgment. 171. Less Judgment than Wit, is more Sale than Ballast. 172. Yet it must be confessed, that Wit gives an Edge to Sense, and recommends it extreamly. 173. Where Judgment has Wit to express it, there's the best Orator. OBEDIENCE TO PARENTS 174. If thou wouldest be obeyed, being a Father; being a Son, be Obedient. 175. He that begets thee, owes thee; and has a natural Right over thee. 176. Next to God, thy Parents; next them, the Magistrate. 177. Remember that thou are not more indebted to thy Parents for thy Nature, than for thy Love and Care. 178. Rebellion therefore in Children, was made Death by God's Law, and the next Sin to Idolatry, in the People; which is renounc- ing of God, the Parent of all. 179. Obedience to Parents is not only our Duty, but our Interest. If we received our Life from them, We prolong it by obeying them: For Obedience is the first Commandment with Promise. 180. The Obligation is as indissolvable as the Relation. 181. If we must not disobey God to obey them; at least we must let them see, that there is nothing else in our refusal. For some unjust Commands cannot excuse the general Neglect of our Duty. They will be our Parents and we must be their Children still: And if we cannot act for them against God, neither can we act against them for ourselves or anything else. BEARING 182. A Man in Business must put up many Affronts, if he loves his own Quiet. 183. We must not pretend to see all that we see, if we would be easie. 340 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 184. It were endless to dispute upon everything that is disput- able. 185. A vindictive Temper is not only uneasie to others, but to them that have it. PROMISING 186. Rarely Promise: But, i£ Lawful, constantly perform. 187. Hasty Resolutions are of the Nature of Vows; and to be equally avoided. 188. I will never do this, says one, yet does it: I am resolved to do this, says another; but flags upon second Thoughts: Or does it, tho' awkwardly, for his Word's sake: As if it were worse to break his Word, than to do amiss in keeping it. 189. Wear none of thine own Chains; but keep free, whilst thou art free. 190. It is an Effect of Passion that Wisdom corrects, to lay thy self under Resolutions that cannot be well made, and must be worse f)erformed. FIDELITY 191. Avoid all thou canst to be Entrusted: But do thy utmost to discharge the Trust thou undertakest: For Carelessness is Injurious, if not Unjust. 192. The Glory of a Servant is Fidelity; which cannot be without Diligence, as well as Truth. 193. Fidelity has Enfranchised Slaves, and Adopted Servants to be Sons. 194. Reward a good Servant well: And rather quit than Disquiet thy self with an ill one. MASTER 195. Mix Kindness with Authority; and rule more by Discretion than Rigor. 196. If thy Servant be faulty, strive rather to convince him of his Error, than discover thy Passion: And when he is sensible, forgive him. 197. Remember he is thy Fellow-Creature, and that God's Good- SOME FRUITS OF SOLITtTOE 34 1 ness, not thy Merit, has made the Difference betwixt Thee and Him. 198. Let not thy Children Domineer over thy Servants: Nor suffer them to slight thy Children. 199. Suppress Tales in the general: But where a Matter requires notice, encourage the Complaint, and right the Aggrieved. 200. If a Child, he ought to Entreat, and not to Command; and if a Servant, to comply where he does not obey. 201. Tho' there should be but one Master and Mistress in a Family, yet Servants should know that Children have the Reversion. SERVANT 202. Indulge not unseemly Things in thy Master's Children, nor refuse them what is fitting: For one is the highest Unfaithfulness, and the other. Indiscretion as well as Disrespect. 203. Do thine own Work honestly and chearfully: And when that is done, help thy Fellow; that so another time he may help thee. 204. If thou wilt be a Good Servant, thou must be True; and thou canst not be True if thou Defraud'st thy Master. 205. A Master may be Defrauded many ways by a servant: As in Time, Care, Pains, Money, Trust. 206. But, a True Servant is the Contrary: He's Diligent, Careful, Trusty. He Tells no Tales, Reveals no Secrets, Refuses no Pains: Not to be Tempted by Gain, nor aw'd by Fear, to Unfaithfulness. 207. Such a Servant, serves God in serving his Master; and has double Wages for his Work, to wit. Here and Hereafter. JEALOUSY 208. Be not fancifully Jealous: For that is Foolish; as, to be reasonably so, is Wise. 209. He that superfines up another Man's Actions, cozens himself, as well as injures them. 210. To be very subtil and scrupulous in Business, is as hurtful, as being over-confident and secure. 211. In difficult Cases, such a Temper is Timorous; and in dis- patch Irresolute. 342 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 212. Experience is a safe Guide: And a Practical Head, is a great Happiness in Business. POSTERITY 213. We are too careless of Posterity; not considering that as they are, so the next Generation will be. 214. If we would amend the World, we should mend Our selves; and teach our Children to be, not what we are, but what they should be. 215. We are too apt to awaken and turn up their Passions by the Examples of our own; and to teach them to be pleased, not with what is best, but with what pleases best. 216. It is our Duty, and ought to be our Care, to ward against that Passion in them, which is more especially our Own Weakness and Affliction: For we are in great measure accountable for them, as well as for our selves. 217. We are in this also true Turners of the World upside down; For Money is first, and Virtue last, and least in our care. 218. It is not How we leave our Children, but What we leave them. 219. To be sure Virtue is but a Supplement, and not a Principal in their Portion and Character: And therefore we see so little Wis- dom or Goodness among the Rich, in proportion to their Wealth. A COUNTRY LIFE 220. The Country Life is to be preferr'd; for there we see the Works of God; but in Cities little else but the Works of Men: And the one makes a better Subject for our Contemplation than the other. 221. As Puppets are to Men, and Babies' to Children, so is Man's Workmanship to God's: We are the Picture, he the Reality. 222. God's Works declare his Power, Wisdom and Goodness; but Man's Works, for the most part, his Pride, Folly and Excess. The one is for use, the other, chiefly, for Ostentation and Lust. 223. The Country is both the Philosopher's Garden and his Li- brary, in which he Reads and Contemplates the Power, Wisdom and Goodness of God. » Dolls. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 343 224. It is his Food as well as Study; and gives him Life, as well as Learning. 225. A Sweet and Natural Retreat from Noise and Talk, and allows opportunity for Reflection, and gives the best Subjects for it. 226. In short, 't is an Original, and the Knowledge and Improve- ment of it, Man's oldest Business and Trade, and the best he can be of. ART AND PROJECT 227. Art, is Good, where it is beneficial. Socrates wisely bounded his Knowledge and Instruction by Practice. 228. Have a care therefore of Projects: And yet despise nothing rashly, or in the Lump. 229. Ingenuity, as well as Religion, sometimes suffers between two Thieves; Pretenders and Despisers. 230. Though injudicious and dishonest Projectors often discredit Art, yet the most useful and extraordinary Inventions have not, at first, escap'd the Scorn of Ignorance; as their Authors, rarely, have cracking of their Heads, or breaking their backs. 231. Undertake no Experiment, in Speculation, that appears not true in Art; nor then, at thine own Cost, if costly or hazardous in making. 232. As many Hands make light Work, so several Purses make cheap Experiments. INDUSTRY 233. Industry, is certainly very commendable, and supplies the want of Parts. 234. Patience and Diligence, like Faith, remove Mountains. 235. Never give out while there is Hope; but hope not beyond Reason, for that shews more Desire than Judgment. 236. It is a profitable Wisdom to know when we have done enough: Much Time and Pains are spared, in not flattering our selves against Probabilities. TEMPORAL HAPPINESS 237. Do Good with what thou hast, or it will do thee no good. 344 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 238. Seek not to be Rich, but Happy. The one lies in Bags, the other in Content: which Wealth can never give. 239. We are apt to call things by wrong Names. We will have Prosperity to be Happiness, and Adversity to be Misery; though that is the School of Wisdom, and oftentimes the way to Eternal Happiness. 240. If thou wouldest be Happy, bring thy Mind to thy Condition, and have an Indifferency for more than what is sufficient. 241. Have but little to do, and do it thy self: And do to others as thou wouldest have them do to thee: So, thou canst not fail of Temporal Felicity. 242. The generality are the worse for their Plenty : The Voluptuous consumes it, the Miser hides it: 'T is the good Man that uses it, and to good Purposes. But such are hardly found among the Prosperous. 243. Be rather Bountiful, than Expensive. 244. Neither make nor go to Feasts, but let the laborious Poor bless thee at Home in their Solitary Cottages. 245. Never voluntarily want what thou hast in Possession; nor so spend it as to involve thyself in want unavoidable. 246. Be not tempted to presume by Success: For many that have got largely, have lost all, by coveting to get more. 247. To hazard much to get much, has more of Avarice than Wisdom. 248. It is great Prudence both to Bound and Use Prosperity. 249. Too few know when they have Enough; and fewer know how to employ it. 250. It is equally adviseable not to part lightly with what is hardly gotten, and not to shut up closely what flows in freely. 251. Act not the Shark upon thy Neighbors; nor take Advantage of the Ignorance, Prodigality or Necessity of any one: For that is next door to Fraud, and, at best, makes but an Unblest Gain. 252. It is oftentimes the Judgment of God upon Greedy Rich Men, that he suffers them to push on their Desires of Wealth to the Excess of over-reaching, grinding or oppression, which poisons all the rest they have gotten: So that it commonly runs away as fast, and by as bad ways as it was heap'd up together. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 345 RESPECT 253. Never esteem any Man, or thy self, the more for Money; nor think the meaner of thy self or another for want of it: Vertue being the just Reason of respecting, and the want of it, of sUghting any one. 254. A Man like a Watch, is to be valued for his Goings. 255. He that prefers him upon other accounts, bows to an Idol. 256. Unless Virtue guide us, our Choice must be wrong. 257. An able bad Man, is an ill Instrument, and to be shunned as the Plague. 258. Be not deceived with the first appearances of things, but give thy self Time to be in the right. 259. Show, is not Substance: Realities Govern Wise Men. 260. Have a Care therefore where there is more Sail than Ballast. HAZARD 261. In all Business it is best to put nothing to hazard: But where it is unavoidable, be not rash, but firm and resign'd. 262. We should not be troubled for what we cannot help: But if it was our Fault, let it be so no more. Amendment is Repentance, if not Reparation. 263. As a Desperate Game needs an able Gamester, so Considera- tion often would prevent, what the best skill in the World Cannot Recover. 264. Where the Probability of Advantage exceeds not that of Loss, Wisdom never Adventures. 265. To Shoot well Flying is well; but to Chose it, has more of Vanity than Judgment. 266. To be Dextrous in Danger is a Virtue; but to Court Danger to show it, is Weakness. DETRACTION 267. Have a care of that base Evil Detraction. It is the Fruit of Envy, as that is of Pride; the immediate Offspring of the Devil: Who, of an Angel, a Lucifer, a Son of the Morning, made himself 346 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE a Serpent, a Devil, a Beelzebub, and all that is obnoxious to the Eternal Goodness. 268. Vertue is not secure against Envy. Men will Lessen what they won't Imitate. 269. Dislike what deserves it, but never Hate: For that is of the Nature of Malice; which is almost ever to Persons, not Things, and is one of the blackest Qualities Sin begets in the Soul. MODERATION 270. It were an happy Day if Men could bound and qualifie their Resentments with Charity to the Offender: For then our Anger would be without Sin, and better convict and edifie the Guilty; which alone can make it lawful. 271. Not to be provok'd is best: But if mov'd, never correct till the Fume is spent; For every Stroke our Fury strikes, is sure to hit our selves at last. 272. If we did but observe the Allowances our Reason makes upon Reflection, when our Passion is over, we could not want a Rule how to behave our selves again in the like Occasions. 273. We are more prone to Complain than Redress, and to Cen- sure than Excuse. 274. It is next to unpardonable, that we can so often Blame what we will not once mend. It shews, we know, but will not do our Master's Will. 275. They that censure, should Practice: Or else let them have the first stone, and the last too. TRICK 276. Nothing needs a Trick but a Trick; Sincerity loathes one. 277. We must take care to do Right Things Righdy: For a just Sentence may be unjustly executed. 278. Circumstances give great Light to true Judgment, if well weigh'd. PASSION 279. Passion is a sort of Fever in the Mind, which ever leaves us weaker than it found us. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 347 280. But being, intermitting to be sure, 't is curable with care. 281. It more than any thing deprives us of the use of our Judg- ment; for it raises a Dust very hard to see through. 282. Like Wine, whose Lees fly by being jogg'd, it is too muddy to Drink. 283. It may not unfitly be termed, the Mob of the Man, that com- mits a Riot upon his Reason. 284. I have sometimes thought, that a Passionate Man is like a weak Spring that cannot stand long lock'd. 285. And as true, that those things are unfit for use, that can't bear small Knocks, without breaking. 286. He that won't hear can't Judge, and he that can't bear Con- tradiction, may, with all his Wit, miss the Mark. 287. Objection and Debate Sift out Truth, which needs Temper as well as Judgment. 288. But above all, observe it in Resentments, for their Passion is most Extravagant. 289. Never chide for Anger, but Instruction. 290. He that corrects out of Passion, raises Revenge sooner than Repentance. 291. It has more of Wantonness than Wisdom, and resembles those that Eat to please their Pallale, rather than their Appetite. 292. It is the difference between a Wise and a Weak Man; This Judges by the Lump, that by Parts and their Connection. 293. The Greeks use to say, all Cases are governed by their Cir- cumstances. The same thing may be well and ill as they change or vary the Matter. 294. A Man's Strength is shewn by his Bearing. Bonum Agere, ev Male Pati, Regis est!' PERSONAL CAirriONS 295. Reflect without Malice but never without Need. 296. Despise no Body, nor no Condition; lest it come to be thine own. 297. Never Rail nor Taunt. The one is Rude, the other Scornful, and both Evil. * To do good and ill to endure U the part of a king. 348 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 298. Be not provoked by Injuries, to commit them. 299. Upbraid only Ingratitude. 300. Haste makes Work which Caution prevents. 301. Tempt no Man; lest thou fall for it. 302. Have a care of presuming upon After-Games:" For if that miss, all is gone. 303. Opportunities should never be lost, because they can hardly be regained. 304. It is well to cure, but better to prevent a Distemper. The first shows more Skill, but the last more Wisdom. 305. Never make a Tryal of Skill in difficult or hazardous Cases. 306. Refuse not to be informed: For that shews Pride or Stupidity. 307. Humility and Knowledge in poor Cloaths, excel Pride and Ignorance in costly attire. 308. Neither despise, nor opfxjse, what thou dost not understand. BALLANCE 309. We must not be concern'd above the Value of the thing that engages us; nor raised above Reason, in maintaining what we think reasonable. 310. It is too common an Error, to invert the Order of Things; by making an End of that which is a Means, and a Means of that which is an End. 311. Religion and Government escape not this Mischief: The first is too often made a Means instead of an End; the other an End instead of a Means. 312. Thus Men seek Wealth rather than Subsistence; and the End of Cloaths is the least Reason of their Use. Nor is the satisfying of our Appetite our End in Eating, so much as the pleasing of our Pallate. The like may also be said of Building, Furniture, &c. where the Man rules not the Beast, and Appetite submits not to Reason. 313. It is great Wisdom to proportion our Esteem to the Nature of the Thing: For as that way things will not be undervalued, so neither will they engage as above their intrinsick worth. 314. If we suffer little Things to have great hold upon us, we shall be as much transported for them, as if they deserv'd it. '" A second game played to reverse the bsue of the first. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 349 315. It is an old Proverb, Maxima Mia ex leuissimis causts: The greatest Feuds have had the smallest Beginnings. 316. No matter what the Subject of the Dispute be, but what place we give it in our Minds: For that governs our Concern and Resentment. 317. It is one of the fatalest Errors of our Lives, when we spoil a good Cause by an ill Management: And it is not impossible but we may mean well in an ill Business; but that will not defend it. 318. If we are but sure the End is Right, we are too apt to gallop over all Bounds to compass it; not considering that lawful Ends may be very unlawfully attained. 319. Let us be careful to take just ways to compass just Things; that they may last in their Benefits to us. 320. There is a troublesome Humor some Men have, that if they may not lead, they will not follow; but had rather a thing were never done, than not done their own way, tho' other ways very desirable. 321. This comes of an over-fulness of our selves; and shows we are more concern'd for Praise, than the Success of what we think a good Thing. POPULARITY 322. Affect not to be seen, and Men will less see thy Weakness. 323. They that shew more than they are, raise an Expectation they cannot answer; and so lose their Credit, as soon as they are found out. 324. Avoid Popularity. It has many Snares, and no real Benefit to thy self; and Uncertainty to others. PRIVACY 325. Remember the Proverb, Bene qui latuit, bene vixit. They are happy that live Retiredly. 326. If this be true. Princes and their Grandees, of all Men, are the unhappiest: For they live least alone: And they that must be enjoyed by every Body, can never enjoy themselves as they should. 327. It is the Advantage little Men have upon them; they can 350 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE be Private, and have leisure for Family Comforts, which are the greatest worldly Contents Men can enjoy. 328. But they that place Pleasure in Greediness, seek it there: And we see Rule is as much the Ambition of some Natures, as Privacy is the Choice of others. GOVERNMENT 329. Government has many Shapes: But 't is Sovereignty, the* not Freedom, in all of them. 330. Rex C Tyrannus are very different Characters: One Rules his People by Laws, to which they consent; the other by his absolute Will and Power. That is call'd Freedom, This Tyranny. 331. The first is endanger'd by the Ambition of the Popular, which shakes the Constitution : The other by an ill Administration, which hazards the Tyrant and his Family. 332. It is great Wisdom in Princes of both sorts, not to strain Points too high with their People: For whether the People have a Right to oppose them or not, they are ever sure to attempt it, when things are carried too far; though the Remedy oftentimes proves worse than the Disease. 333. Happy that King who is great by Justice, and that People who are free by Obedience. 334. Where the Ruler is Just, he may be strict; else it is two to one it turns upon him: And tho' he should prevail, he can be no Gainer, where his People are the Losers. 335. Princes must not have Passions in Government, nor Resent beyond Interest and Religion. 336. Where Example keeps pace with Authority, Power hardly fails to be obey'd, and Magistrates to be honor'd. 337. Let the People think they Govern and they will be Govern'd. 338. This cannot fail, if Those they Trust, are Trusted. 339. That Prince that is Just to them in great things, and Humors them sometimes in small ones, is sure to have and keep them from all the World. 340. For the People is the Politick Wife of the Prince, that may be better managed by Wisdom, than ruled by Force. 341. But where the Magistrate is partial and serves ill turns, he SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 35 1 loses his Authority with the People; and gives the Populace oppor- tunity to gratifie their Ambition: And to lay a Stumbling-block for his People to fall. 342. It is true, that where a Subject is more Popular than the Prince, the Prince is in Danger: But it is as true, that it is his own Fault: For no Body has the like Means, Interest or Reason, to be popular as He. 343. It is an unaccountable thing, that some Princes incline rather to be fear'd than lov'd; when they see, that Fear does not oftener secure a Prince against the Dissatisfaction of his People, than Love makes a Subject too many for such a Prince. 344. Certainly Service upon Inclination is like to go farther than Obedience ujx)n Compulsion. 345. The Romans had a just Sense of this, when they plac'd Opti- mus before Maximus, to their most Illustrious Captains and Cesars. 346. Besides, Experience tells us. That Goodness raises a nobler Passion in the Soul, and gives a better Sense of Duty than Severity. 347. What did Pharaoh get by increasing the Israelites Task? Ruine to himself in the End. 348. Kings, chiefly in this, should imitate God: Their Mercy should be above all their Works. 349. The Difference between the Prince and the Peasant, is in this World: But a Temper ought to be observ'd by him that has the Advantage here, because of the Judgment in the next. 350. The End of every thing should direct the Means: Now that of Government being the Good of the whole, nothing less should be the Aim of the Prince. 351. As often as Rulers endeavor to attain just Ends by just Mediums, they are sure of a quiet and easy Government; and as sure of Convulsions, where the Nature of things are violated, and their Order overrul'd. 352. It is certain. Princes ought to have great Allowances made them for Faults in Government; since they see by other People's Eyes, and hear by their Ears. But Ministers of State, their immediate Confidents and Instruments, have much to answer for, if to gratifie private Passions, they misguide the Prince to do publick Injury. 353. Ministers of State should undertake their Posts at their 352 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE Peril. If Princes overrule them, let them shew the Law, and humbly resign: If Fear, Gain or Flattery prevail, let them answer it to the Law. 354. The Prince cannot be preserv'd, but where the Minister is punishable: For People, as well as Princes, will not endure Imperium in Imperio}^ 355. If Ministers are weak or ill Men, and so spoil their Places, it is the Prince's Fault that chose them: But if their Places spoil them, it is their own Fault to be made worse by them. 356. It is but just that those that reign by their Princes, should suffer for their Princes: For it is a safe and necessary Maxim, not to shift Heads in Government, while the Hands are in being that should answer for them. 357. And yet it were intolerable to be a Minister of State, if every Body may be Accuser and Judge. 358. Let therefore the false Accuser no more escape an exemplary Punishment, than the Guilty Minister. 359. For it profanes Government to have the Credit of the leading Men in it, subject to vulgar Censure; which is often ill grounded. 360. The Safety of a Prince, therefore consists in a welloctrine, from whom they have borrowed their Name. 358 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE OSTENTATIOK 439. Do what good thou canst unknown; and be not vain o£ what ought rather to be felt, than seen. 440. The Humble, in the Parable of the Day of Judgment, forgot their good Works; Lord, when did we do so and so? 441. He that does Good, for Good's sake, seeks neither Praise noi Reward; tho' sure of both at last. CON£ PLEAT VIRTUE 442. Content not thy self that thou art Virtuous in the general: For one Link being wanting, the Chain is defective. 443. Perhaps thou art rather Innocent than Virtuous, and owest more to thy Constitution, than thy ReHgion. 444. Innocent, is not to be Guilty: But Virtuous is to overcome our evil Inclinations. 445. If thou hast not conquer'd thy self in that which is thy own particular Weakness, thou hast no Title to Virtue, tho' thou art free of other Men's. 446. For a Covetous Man to inveigh against Prodigality, an Atheist against Idolatry, a Tyrant against Rebellion, or a Lyer against Forgery, and a Drunkard against Intemperance, is for the Pot to call the Kettle black. 447. Such Reproof would have but httle Success; because it would carry but little Authority with it. 448. If thou wouldest conquer thy Weakness, thou must never gratify it. 449. No Man is compelled to Evil; his Consent only makes it his. 450. 'T is no Sin to be tempted, but to be overcome. 451. What Man in his right Mind, would conspire his own hurt.? Men are beside themselves, when they transgress their Convictions. 452. If thou would'st not Sin, don't Desire; and if thou would'st not Lust, don't Embrace the Temptation: No, not look at it, nor think of it. 453. Thou would'st take much Pains to save thy Body: Take some, prithee, to save thy Soul. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 359 RELIGION 454. Religion is the Fear of God, and its Demonstration on good Works; and Faith is the Root of both: For without Faith we cannot please God, nor can we fear what we do not believe. 455. The Devils also believe and know abundance: But in this is the Difference, their Faith works not by Love, nor their Knowledge by Obedience; and therefore they are never the better for them. And if ours be such, we shall be of their Church, not of Christ's: For as the Head is, so must the Body be. 456. He was Holy, Humble, Harmless, Meek, Merciful, Stc. when among us; to teach us what we should be, when he was gone. And yet he is among us still, and in us too, a living and perpetual Preacher of the same Grace, by his Spirit in our Consciences. 457. A Minister of the Gospel ought to be one of Christ's making, if he would pass for one of Christ's Ministers. 458. And if he be one of his making, he Knows and Does as well as Believes. 459. That Minister whose Life is not the Model of his Doctrine, is a Babler rather than a Preacher; a Quack rather than a Physician of Value. 460. Of old Time they were made Ministers by the Holy Ghost: And the more that is an Ingredient now, the fitter they are for that Work. 461. Running Streams are not so apt to corrupt; nor Itinerant, as setded Preachers: But they are not to run before they are sent. 462. As they freely receive from Christ, so they give. 463. They will not make that a Trade, which they know ought not, in Conscience, to be one. 464. Yet there is no fear of their Living that design not to live by it 465. The humble and true Teacher meets with more than he ex- pects. 466. He accounts Content with Godliness great Gain, and there- fore seeks not to make a Gain of Godliness. 467. As the Ministers of Christ are made by him, and are like him, so they beget People into the same Likeness. 360 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 468. To be like Christ then, is to be a Christian. And Regenera- tion is the only way to the Kingdom of God, which we pray for. 469. Let us to Day, therefore, hear his Voice, and not harden our Hearts; who speaks to us many ways. In the Scriptures, in our Hearts, by his Servants and his Providences: And the Sum of all is Holiness and Charity. 470. St. James gives a short Draught of this Matter, but very full and reaching. Pure Religion and undefiled before God the Father, is this, to visit the Fatherless and the Widows in their Affliction, and to keep our selves unspotted from the World. Which is com- priz'd in these Two Words, Charity and Piety, 471. They that truly make these their Aim, will find them their Attainment; and with them, the Peace that follows so excellent a Condition. 472. Amuse not thy self therefore with the numerous Opinions of the World, nor value thy self upon verbal Orthodoxy, Philosophy, or thy Skill in Tongues, or Knowledge of the Fathers: (too much the Business and Vanity of the World). But in this rejoyce. That thou knowest God, that is the Lord, who exerciseth loving Kindness, and Judgment, and Righteousness in the Earth. 473. Publick Worship is very commendable, if well performed. We owe it to God and good Example. But we must know, that God is not tyed to Time or Place, who is every where at the same Time: And this we shall know, as far as we are capable, if where ever we are, our Desires are to be with him. 474. Serving God, People generally confine to the Acts of Publick and Private Worship: And those, the more zealous do oftener re- peat, in hof)es of Acceptance. 475. But if we consider that God is an Infinite Spirit, and, as such, every where; and that our Saviour has taught us, That he will be worshipped in Spirit and in Truth; we shall see the shortness of such a Notion. 476. For serving God concerns the Frame of our Spirits, in the whole Course of our Lives; in every Occasion we have, in which we may shew our Love to his Law. 477. For as Men in Battle are continually in the way of shot, so we, in this World, are ever within the Reach of Temptation. And SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 36 1 herein do we serve God, if we avoid what we are forbid, as well as do what he commands. 478. God is better served in resisting a Temptation to Evil, than in many formal Prayers. 479. This is but Twice or Thrice a Day; but That every Hour and Moment of the Day. So much more is our continual Watch, than our Evening and Morning Devotion. 480. Wouldst thou then serve God? Do not that alone, which thou wouldest not that another should see thee do. 481. Don't take God's Name in vain, or disobey thy Parents, or wrong thy Neighbor, or commit Adultery even in thine Heart. 482. Neither be vain. Lascivious, Proud, Drunken, Revengeful or Angry: Nor Lye, Detract, Backbite, Overreach, Oppress, Deceive or Betray: But watch vigorously against all Temptations to these Things; as knowing that God is present, the Overseer of all thy Ways and most inward Thoughts, and the Avenger of his own Law upon the Disobedient, and thou wilt acceptably serve God. 483. Is it not reason, if we expect the Acknowledgments of those to whom we are bountiful, that we should reverently pay ours to God, our most magnificent and constant Benefactor? 484. The World represents a Rare and Sumptuous Palace, Man- kind the great Family in it, and God the mighty Lord and Master of it. 485. We are all sensible what a stately Seat it is: The Heavens adorned with so many glorious Luminaries; and the Earth with Groves, Plains, Valleys, Hills, Fountains, Ponds, Lakes and Rivers; and Variety of Fruits, and Creatures for Food, Pleasure and Profit. In short, how Noble an House he keeps, and the Plenty and Variety and Excellency of his Table; his Orders, Seasons and Suitableness of every Time and Thing. But we must be as sensible, or at least ought to be, what Careless and Idle Servants we are, and how short and disproportionable our Behavior is to his Bounty and Goodness: How long he bears, and often he reprieves and forgives us: Who, notwithstanding our Breach of Promises, and repeated Neglects, has not yet been provok'd to break up House, and send us to shift for our selves. Should not this great Goodness raise a due Sense in us of our Undutifulness, and a Resolution to alter our Course and 362 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE mend our Manners; that we may be for the future more worthy Communicants at our Master's good and great Table? Especially since it is not more certain that we deserve his Displeasure than that we should feel it, if we continue to be unprofitable Servants. 486. But tho' God has replenisht this World with abundance of good Things for Man's Life and Comfort, yet they are all but Im- perfect Goods. He only is the Perfect Good to whom they point. But alas! Men cannot see him for them; tho' they should always see him In them. 487. I have often wondered at the unaccountableness of Man in this, among other things; that tho' he loves Changes so well, he should care so little to hear or think of his last, great, and best Change too, if he pleases. 488. Being, as to our Bodies, composed of changeable Elements, we with the World, are made up of, and subsist by Revolution : But our Souls being of another and nobler Nature, we should seek our Rest in a more induring Habitation. 489. The truest end of Life, is, to know the Life that never ends. 490. He that makes this his Care, will find it his Crown at last. 491. Life else, were a Misery rather than a Pleasure, a Judgment, not a Blessing. 492. For to Know, Regret and Resent; to Desire, Hope and Fear, more than a Beast, and not live beyond him, is to make a Man less than a Beast. 493. It is the Amends of a short and troublesome Life, that E)oing well, and Suffering ill. Entitles Man to One Longer and Better. 494. This ever raises the Good Man's Hojje, and gives him Tastes beyond the other World. 495. As *t is his Aim, so none else can hit the Mark. 496. Many make it their Speculation, but 't is the Good Man's Practice. 497. His Work keeps Pace with his Life, and so leaves nothing to be done when he Dies. 498. And he that lives to live ever, never fears dying. 499. Nor can the Means be terrible to him that heartily believes the End. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 363 500. For tho' Death be a Dark Passage, it leads to Immortality, and that 's Recompence enough for Suffering of it. 501. And yet Faith Lights us, even through the Grave, being the Evidence of Things not seen. 502. And this is the Comfort of the Good, that the Grave camiot hold them, and that they Uve as soon as they die. 503. For Death is no more than a Turning of us over from Time to Eternity. 504. Nor can there be a Revolution without it; for it supposes the Dissolution of one form, in order to the Succession of another. 505. Death then, being the Way and Condition of Life, we cannot love to live, if we cannot bear to die. 506. Let us then not cozen our selves with the Shells and Husks of things; nor prefer Form to Power, nor Shadows to Substance: Pictures of Bread will not satisfie Hunger, nor those of Devotion please God. 507. This World is a Form; our Bodies are Forms; and no visible Acts of Devotion can be without Forms. But yet the less Form in Religion the better, since God is a Spirit: For the more mental our Worship, the more adequate to the Nature of God; the more silent, the more suitable to the Language of a Spirit. 508. Words are for others, not for our selves: Nor for God, who hears not as Bodies do; but as Spirits should. 509. If we would know this Dialect; we must learn of the Divine Principle in us. As we hear the Dictates of that, so God hears us. 510. There we may see him too in all his Attributes; Tho' but in Httle, yet as much as we can apprehend or bear: for as he is in him- self, he is incomprehensible, and dwelleth in that Light which no Eye can approach. But in his Image we may behold his Glory; enough to exalt our Apprehensions of God, and to instruct us in that Worship which pleaseth him. 511. Men may Tire themselves in a Labyrinth of Search, and talk of God: But if we would know him indeed, it must be from the Im- pressions we receive of him; and the softer our Hearts are, the deeper and livelier those will be upon us. 512. If he has made us sensible of his Justice, by his Reproof; of 364 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE his Patience, by his Forbearance; of his Mercy, by his Forgiveness; of his Holiness, by the Sanctification of our Hearts through his Spirit; we have a grounded Knowledge of God. This is Experience, that Speculation; This Enjoyment, that Report. In short, this is un- deniable Evidence, with the realities of Religion, and will stand all Winds and Weathers. 513. As our Faith, so our Devotion should be lively. Cold Meat won't serve at those Repasts. 514. It 's a Coal from God's Altar must kindle our Fire: And with- out Fire, true Fire, no acceptable Sacrifice. 515. Open thou my Lips, and then, said the Royal Prophet, My Mouth shall praise God. But not 'till then. 516. The Preparation of the Heart, as well as Answer of the Tongue, is of the Lord : And to have it, our Prayers must be power- ful, and our Worship grateful. 517. Let us chuse, therefore, to commune where there is the warm- est Sense of Religion; where Devotion exceeds Formality, and Prac- tice most corresponds with Profession; and where there is at least as much Charity as Zeal : For where this Society is to be found, there shall we find the Church of God. 518. As Good, so 111 Men are all of a Church; and every Body knows who must be Head of it. 519. The Humble, Meek, Merciful, Just, Pious and Devout Souls, are everywhere of one Religion; and when Death has taken off the Mask, they will know one another, tho' the divers Liveries they wear here make them Strangers. 520. Great Allowances are to be made of Education, and personal Weaknesses: But 't is a Rule with me, that Man is truly Religious, that loves the Persuasion he is of, for the Piety rather than Ceremony of it. 521. They that have one End, can hardly disagree when they meet. At least their concern is in the Greater, moderates the value and dif- ference about the lesser things. 522. It is a sad Reflection, that many Men hardly have any Re- ligion at all; and most Men have none of their own: For that which is the Religion of their Education, and not of their Judgment, is the Religion of Another, and not Theirs. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 365 523. To have Religion upon Authority, and not upon Conviction, IS Hke a Finger Watch, to be set forwards or backwards, as he pleases that has it in keeping. 524. It is a Preposterous thing, that Men can venture their Souls where they will not venture their Money: For they will take their Religion upon trust, but not trust a Synod about the Goodness of Half a Crown. 525. They will follow their own Judgment when their Money is concerned, whatever they do for their Souls. 526. But to be sure, that Religion cannot be right, that a Man is the worse for having. 527. No Religion is better than an Unnatural One. 528. Grace perfects, but never sours or spoils Nature. 529. To be Unnatural in Defence of Grace, is a Contradiction. 530. Hardly any thing looks worse, than to defend Religion by ways that shew it has no Credit with us. 531. A Devout Man is one thing, a Stickler is quite another. 532. When our Minds exceed their just Bounds, we must needs discredit what we would recommend. 533. To be Furious in Religion, is to be Irreligiously Religious. 534. If he that is without Bowels, is not a Man; How then can he be a Christian ? 535. It were better to be of no Church, than to be bitter for any. 536. Bitterness comes very near to Enmity, and that is Beelzebub; because the Perfection of Wickedness. 537. A good End cannot sanctifie evil Means; nor must we ever do Evil, that Good may come of it. 538. Some Folks think they may Scold, Rail, Hate, Rob and Kill too; so it be but for God's sake. 539. But nothing in us unlike him, can please him. 540. It is as great Presumption to send our Passions upwn God's Errands, as it is to palliate them with God's Name. 541. Zeal dropped in Charity, is good, without it good for noth- ing: For it devours all it comes near. 542. They must first judge themselves, that presume to censure others: And such will not be apt to overshoot the Mark. 366 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 543. We are too ready to retaliate, rather than forgive, or gain by Love and Information. 544. And yet we could hurt no Man that we believe loves us. 545. Let us then try what Love will do: For if Men did once see we Love them, we should soon find they would not harm us. 546. Force may subdue, but Love gains: And he that forgives first, wins the Lawrel. 547. If I am even with my Enemy, the Debt is paid; but if I for- give it, I oblige him for ever. 548. Love is the hardest Lesson in Christianity; but, for that rea- son, it should be most our care to learn it. Difficilia qua Pulc/ira." 549. It is a severe Rebuke upon us, that God makes us so many Allowances, and we make so few to our Neighbor: As if Charity had nothing to do with Religion; Or Love with Faith, that ought to work by it. 550. I find all sorts of People agree, whatsoever were their Ani- mosities, when humbled by the Approaches of Death: Then they forgive, then they pray for, and love one another: Which shews us, that it is not our Reason, but our Passion, that makes and holds up the Feuds that reign among men in their Health and Fulness. They, therefore, that live nearest to that which they should die, must cer- tainly live best. 551. Did we believe a final Reckoning and Judgment; or did we think enough of what we do believe, we would allow more Love in Religion than we do; since Religion it self is nothing else but Love to God and Man. 552. He that lives in Love lives in God, says the Beloved Disciple: And to be sure a Man can hve no where better. 553. It is most reasonable Men should value that Benefit, which is most durable. Now Tongues shall cease, and Prophecy fail, and Faith shall be consummated in Sight, and Hope in Enjoyment; but Love remains. 554. Love is indeed Heaven upon Earth; since Heaven above would not be Heaven without it: For where there is not Love; there is Fear: But perfect Love casts out Fear. And yet we naturally fear most to offend what we most Love. " Those things are difficult which are beautiful. SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 367 555. What we Love, we '11 Hear; what we Love, we '11 Trust; and what we Love, we '11 serve, ay, and suffer for too. If you love me (says our Blessed Redeemer) keep my Commandments. Why? Why then he '11 Love us; then we shall be his Friends; then he '11 send us the Comforter; then whatsoever we ask, we shall receive; and then where he is we shall be also, and that for ever. Behold the Fruits of Love; the Power, Vertue, Benefit and Beauty of Love! 556. Love is above all; and when it prevails in us all, we shall all be Lovely, and in Love with God and one with another. Amen. END OF PART I MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE BEING THE SECOND PART OF REFLECTIONS AND MAXIMS, RELATING TO THE CONDUCT OF HUMAN UFE CONTENTS PART II PACE The Right Moralist 373 The World's Able Man 374 The Wise Man 377 Of the Government of Thoughts 378 Of Envy 380 Of Man's Life 381 Of Ambition 381 Of Praise or Applause 382 Of Conduct in Speech 383 Union of Friends 383 Of Being Easy in Living 384 Of Man's Inconsiderateness and Partiality 385 Of the Rule of Judging 385 Of Formality 386 Of the Mean Notion we Have of God 387 Op the Benefit of Justice 387 Of Jealousy 388 Of State 388 Of a Good Servant 389 Of an Immediate Pursuit of the World 389 Of the Interest of the Publick in our Estates 390 The Vain Man 39' The Conformist 392 The Obligations of Great Men to Almighty God 393 Of Refining upon Other Men's Actions or Interests . . 395 Of Charity ■ 396 THE INTRODUCTION TO THE READER The Title of this Treatise shows, there was a former of the same Nature; and the Author hope he runs no Hazard in recommending both to his Reader's Perusal. He is well aware of the low Reckoning the Labors of indifferent Authors are under, at a Time when hardly any Thing passes for current, that is not calculated to flatter the Sharpness of contending Parties. He is also sensible, that Books grow a very Drug, where they cannot raise and support their Credit, by their own Useful- ness; and how far this will be able to do it, he knows not; yet he thinks himself tollerably safe in making it publick, in tlirce Respects. First, That the Purchase is small, and the Time but little, that is requisite to read it. Next, Though some Men should not find it relish'd high enough for their finer Wits, or warmer Pallats, it will not perhaps be useless to those of lower Flights, and who are less engaged in publick Heats. Lasdy, The Author honesdy aims at as general a Benefit as the Thing will bear; to Youth especially, whether he hits the Mark or not: And that without the least Ostentation, or any private Regards. Let not Envy misinterpret his Intention, and he will be accountable for all other Faults. Vale. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE BEING THE SECOND PART OF REFLECTIONS & MAXIMS THE RIGHT MORALIST ARIGHT Moralist, is a Great and Good Man, but for that Rea- son he is rarely to be found. L 2. There are a Sort of People, that are fond of the Char- acter, who, in my Opinion, have but little Tide to it. 3. They think it enough, not to defraud a Man of his Pay, or be- tray his Friend; but never consider. That the Law forbids the one at his Peril, and that Virtue is seldom the Reason of the other. 4. But certainly he that Covets, can no more be a Moral Man, than he that Steals; since he does so in his Mind. Nor can he be one that Robs his Neighbor of his Credit, or that craftily undermines him of his Trade or Office. 5. If a Man pays his Taylor, but Debauches his Wife; Is he a current Moralist? 6. But what shall we say of the Man that Rebels against his Father, is an 111 Husband, or an Abusive Neighbor; one that 's Lavish of his Time, of his Health, and of his Estate, in which his Family is so near- ly concerned ? Must he go for a Right Moralist, because he pays his Rent well? 7. I would ask some of those Men of Morals, Whether he that Robs God and Himself too, tho' he should not defraud his Neigh- bor, be the Moral Man ? 8. Do I owe my self Nothing ? And do I not owe All to God ? And if paying what we owe, makes the Moral Man, is it not fit we should begin to render our Dues, where we owe our very Beginning; ay, our All? 9. The Compleat Moralist begins with God; he gives him his Due, i73 374 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE his Heart, his Love, his Service; the Bountiful Giver of his Well- Being, as well as Being. ID. He that lives without a Sense of this Dependency and Obliga- tion, cannot be a Moral Man, because he does not make his Returns of Love and Obedience; as becomes an honest and a sensible Crea- ture: Which very Term Implies he is not his own; and it cannot be very honest to misimploy another's Goods. 11. But can there be no Debt, but to a fellow Creature? Or, will our Exactness in paying those Dribling ones, while we neglect our weightier Obligations, Cancel the Bonds we lie under, and render us right and thorough Moralists? 12. As Judgments are paid before Bonds, and Bonds before Bills or Book-Debts, so the Moralist considers his Obligations according to their several Dignities. In the first Place, Him to whom he owes himself. Next, himself, in his Health and Livelihood. Lastly, His other Obligations, whether Rational or Pecuniary; doing to others, to the Extent of his AbiUty, as he would have them do unto him. 13. In short, The Moral Man is he that Loves God above All, and his Neighbor as himself, which fulfils both Tables at once. THE world's able MAN 14. It is by some thought, the Character of an Able Man, to be Dark and not Understood. But I am sure that is not fair Play. 15. If he be so by Silence, 't is better; but if by Disguises, 't is insin- cere and hateful. 16. Secrecy is one Thing, false Lights is another. 17. The honest Man, that is rather free, than open, is ever to be preferr'd; especially when Sense is at Helm. 18. The Glorying of the other Humor is in a Vice: For it is not Humane to be Cold, Dark, and Unconversable. I was a going to say, they are like Pick-Pockets in a Crowd, where a Man must ever have his Hand on his Purse; or as Spies in a Garrison, that if not pre- vented betrays it. 19. They are the Reverse of Human Nature, and yet this is the present World's Wise Man and Politician: Excellent Qualities for MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 375 Lapland, where, they say, Witches, though not many Conjurors, dwell. 20. Like Highway-Men, that rarely Rob without Vizards, or in the same Wigs and Cloaths, but have a Dress for every Enterprize. 21. At best, he may be a Cunning Man, which is a sort of Lurcher in the Politicks. 22. He is never too hard for the Wise Man upon the Square, for that is out of his Element, and puts him quite by his Skill. Nor are Wise Men ever catch'd by him, but when they trust him. 23. But as Cold and Close as he seems, he can and will please all, if he gets by it, though it should neither please God nor himself at bottom. 24. He is for every Cause that brings him Gain, but Implacable if disappointed of Success. 25. And what he cannot hinder, he will be sure to Spoil, by over- doing it. 26. None so Zealous then as he, for that which he cannot abide. 27. What is it he will not, or cannot do, to hide his true Senti- ments. 28. For his Interest, he refuses no Side or Party; and will take the Wrong by the Hand, when t'other won't do, with as good a Grace as the Right. 29. Nay, he commonly chooses the Worst, because that brings the best Bribe: His Cause being ever Money. 30. He Sails with all Winds, and is never out of his Way, where any Thing is to be had. 31. A Privateer indeed, and everywhere a very Bird of Prey. 32. True to nothing but himself, and false to all Persons and Par- ties, to serve his own Turn. 33. Talk with him as often as you please, he will never pay you in good Coin; for 't is either False or Clipt. 34. But to give a False Reason for any Thing, let my Reader never learn of him, no more than to give a Brass Half-Crown for a good .one: Not only because it is not true, but because it Deceives the Per- son to whom it is given; which I take to be an Immorality. 35. Silence is much more preferable, for it saves the Secret, as well as the Person's Honor. 376 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 36. Such as give themselves the Latitude of saying what they do not mean, come to be errant Jockeys at more Things than one; but in Rehgion and PoHticks, 't is most pernicious. 37. To hear two Men talk the Reverse of their own Sentiments, with all the good Breeding and Appearance of Friendship imagin- able, on purpose to Cozen or Pump each other, is to a Man of Virtue and Honor, one of the Melancholiest, as well as most Nauseous Thing in the World. 38. But that it should be the Character of an Able Man, is to Dis- inherit Wisdom, and Paint out our Degeneracy to the Life, by setting up Fraud, an errant Impostor, in her Room. 39. The Tryal of Skill between these two is, who shall believe least of what t'other says; and he that has the Weakness, or good Nature to give out first, (viz. to believe any Thing t'other says) is look'd upon to be Trick'd. 40. I cannot see the Policy, any more than the Necessity, of a Man's Mind always giving the Lye to his Mouth, or his Mouth ever giving the false Alarms of his Mind: For no Man can be long believed, that teaches all Men to distrust him; and since the Ablest have sometimes need of Credit, where lies the Advantage of their Politick Cant or Banter upon Mankind? 41. I remember a Passage of one of Queen Elizabeth's Great Men, as Advice to his Friend; The Advantage, says he, I had upon others at Court, was, that I always spoke as I thought, which being not be- lieved by them, I both preserv'd a good Conscience, and suffered no Damage from that Freedom: Which, as it shows the Vice to be Older than our Times, so that Gallant Man's Integrity, to be the best Way of avoiding it. 42. To be sure it is wise as well as Honest, neither to flatter other Men's Sentiments, nor Dissemble and less Contradict our own. 43. To hold ones Tongue, or speak Truth, or talk only of indif- ferent Things, is the Fairest Conversation. 44. Women that rarely go Abroad without Vizard-Masks, have none of the best Reputation. But when we consider what all this Art and Disguise are for, it equally heightens the Wise Man's Won- der and Aversion: Perhaps it is to betray a Father, a Brother, a Mas- ter, a Friend, a Neighbor, or ones own Party. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 377 45. A fine Conquest! what Noble Grecians and Romans abhorr'd: As if Government could not subsist without Knavery, and that Knaves were the Usefullest Props to it; tho' the basest, as well as greatest, Perversion of the Ends of it. 46. But that it should become a Maxim, shows but too grossly the Corruption of the Times. 47. I confess I have heard the Stile of a Useful Knave, but ever took it to be a silly or a knavish Saying; at least an Excuse for Knav- ery. 48. It is as reasonable to think a Whore makes the best Wife, as a Knave the best Officer. 49. Besides, Employing Knaves, Encourages Knavery instead of punishing it; and Alienates the Reward of Virtue. Or, at least, must make the World beUeve, the Country yields not honest Men enough, able to serve her. 50. Art thou a Magistrate? Prefer such as have clean Characters where they live, and of Estates to secure a just Discharge of their Trusts; that are under no Temptation to strain Points for a Fortune: For sometimes such may be found, sooner than they are Employed. 51. Art thou a Private Man? Contract thy Acquaintance in a narrow Compass, and chuse Those for the Subjects of it, that are Men of Principles; such as will make full Stops, where Honor will not lead them on; and that had rather bear the disgrace of not being thorow Paced Men, than forfeit their Peace and Reputation by a base Compliance. THE WISE MAN 52. The Wise Man Governs himself by the Reason of his Case, and because what he does is Best: Best, in a Moral and Prudent, not a Sinister Sense. 53. He proposes just Ends, and employs the fairest and probablest Means and Methods to attain them. 54. Though you cannot always [jenetrate his Design, or his Rea- sons for it, yet you shall ever see his Actions of a Piece, and his Per- formances like a Workman: They will bear the Touch of Wisdom and Honor, as often as they are tryed. 55. He scorns to serve himself by Indirect Means, or be an Inter- 378 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE loper in Government, since just Enterprises never want any Just Ways to succeed them. 56. To do Evil, that Good may come of it, is for Bunglers in Poli- ticks, as well as Morals. 57. Like those Surgeons, that will cut off an Arm they can't cure, to hide their Ignorance and save their Credit. 58. The Wise Man is Cautious, but not cunning; Judicious, but not Crafty; making Virtue the Measure of using his Excellent Un- derstanding in the Conduct of his Life. 59. The Wise Man is equal, ready, but not officious; has in every Thing an Eye to Sure Footing: He offends no Body, nor easily is offended, and always willing to Compound for Wrongs, if not for- give them. 60. He is never Captious, nor Critical; hates Banter and Jests: He may be Pleasant, but not Light; he never deals but in Substantial Ware, and leaves the rest for the Toy Pates (or Shops) of the World; which are so far from being his Business, that they are not so much as his Diversion. 61. He is always for some solid Good, Civil or Moral; as, to make his Country more Virtuous, Preserve her Peace and Liberty, Imploy her Poor, Improve Land, Advance Trade, Suppress Vice, Incourage Industry, and all Mechanick Knowledge; and that they should be the Care of the Government, and the Blessing and Praise of the People. 62. To conclude: He is Just, and fears God, hates Covetousness, and eschews Evil, and loves his Neighbor as himself. OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THOUGHTS 63. Man being made a Reasonable, and so a Thinking Creature, there is nothing more Worthy of his Being, than the Right Direction and Employment of his Thoughts; since upon This, depends both his Usefulness to the Publick, and his own present and future Ben- efit in all Respects. 64. The Consideration of this, has often obliged me to Lament the Unhappiness of Mankind, that through too great a Mixture and Confusion of Thoughts, have been hardly able to make a Right or Mature Judgment of Things. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITtTOE 379 65. To this Is owing the various Uncertainty and Confusion we see in the World, and the Intemperate Zeal that occasions them. 66. To this also is to be attributed the imperfect Knowledge we have of Things, and the slow Progress we make in attaining to a Better; like the Children of Israel that were forty Years upon their Journey, from Egypt to Canaan, which might have been performed in Less than One. 67. In fine, 't is to this that we ought to ascribe, if not all, at least most of the Infelicities we Labor under. 68. Clear therefore thy Head, and Rally and Manage thy Thoughts Rightly, and thou wilt Save Time, and See and Do thy Business Well; for thy Judgment will be Distinct, thy Mind Free, and the Faculties Strong and Regular. 69. Always remember to bound thy Thoughts to the present Oc- casion. 70. If it be thy Religious Duty, suffer nothing else to Share in them. And if any Civil or Temporal Affair, observe the same Caution, and thou wilt be a whole Man to every Thing, and do twice the Busi- ness in the same Time. 71. If any Point over-Labors thy Mind, divert and relieve it, by some other Subject, of a more Sensible, or Manual Nature, rather than what may affect the Understanding; for this were to write one Thing upon another, which blots out our former Impressions, or renders them illegible. 72. They that are least divided in their Care, always give the best Account of their Business. 73. As therefore thou art always to pursue the present Subject, till thou hast master'd it, so if it fall out that thou hast more Affairs than one upon thy Hand, be sure to prefer that which is of most Moment, and will least wait thy Leisure. 74. He that Judges not well of the Importance of his Affairs, though he may be always Busy, he must make but a small Progress. 75. But make not more Business necessary than is so; and rather lessen than augment Work for thy self. 76. Nor yet be over-eager in pursuit of any Thing; for the Mer- curial too often happen to leave Judgment behind them, and some- times make Work for Repentance. 380 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 77. He that over-runs his Business, leaves it for him that follows more leisurely to take it up; which has often proved a profitable Harvest to them that never Sow'd. 78. 'T is the Advantage that slower Tempers have upon the Men of lively Parts, that tho' they don't lead, they will Follow well, and Glean Clean. 79. Upon the whole Matter, Employ thy Thoughts as thy Busi- ness requires, and let that have a Place according to Merit and Ur- gency; giving every Thing a Review and due Digestion, and thou wilt prevent many Errors and Vexations, as well as save much Time to thy self in the Course of thy Life. OF ENVY 80. It is the Mark of an ill Nature, to lessen good Actions, and aggravate ill Ones. 81. Some men do as much begrutch others a good Name, as they want one themselves; and perhaps that is the Reason of it. 82. But certainly they are in the Wrong, that can think they are lessened, because others have their Due. 83. Such People generally have less Merit than Ambition, that Covet the Reward of other Men's; and to be sure a very ill Nature, that will rather Rob others of their Due, than allow them their Praise. 84. It is more an Error of our Will, than our Judgment: For we know it to be an Effect of our Passion, not our Reason; and therefore we are the more culpable in our Partial Estimates. 85. It is as Envious as Unjust, to underrate another's Actions where their intrinsick Worth recommends them to disengaged Minds. 86. Nothing shews more the Folly, as well as Fraud of Man, than Chpping of Merit and Reputation. 87. And as some Men think it an Allay to themselves, that others have their Right; so they know no End of Pilfering to raise their own Credit. 88. This Envy is the Child of Pride and Misgives, rather than Mis- takes. 89. It will have Charity, to be Ostentation; Sobriety, Covetous- MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 38 1 ness; Humility, Craft; Bounty, Popularity: In short. Virtue must be Design, and Religion, only Interest. Nay, the best of Qualities must not pass without a But to allay their Merit and abate their Praise. Basest of Tempers! and they that have them, the Worst of Men! 90. But Just and Noble Minds Rejoice in other Men's Success, and help to augment their Praise. 91. And indeed they are not without a Love to Virtue, that take a Satisfaction in seeing her Rewarded, and such deserve to share her Character that do abhor to lessen it. OF man's life 92. Why is Man less durable than the Works of his Hands, but because This is not the Place of his Rest.? 93. And it is a Great and Just Reproach upon him, that he should fix his Mind where he cannot stay himself. 94. Were it not more his Wisdom to be concerned about those Works that will go with him, and erect a Mansion for him where Time has Power neither over him nor it? 95. 'T is a sad Thing for Man so often to miss his Way to his Best, as well as most Lasting Home. OF AMBITION 96. They that soar too high, often fall hard; which makes a low and level Dwelling preferrable. 97. The tallest Trees are most in the Power of the Winds, and Ambitious Men of the Blasts of Fortune. 98. They are most seen and observed, and most envyed: Least Quiet, but most talk'd of, and not often to their Advantage. 99. Those Buildings had need of a good Foundation, that lie so much exposed to Weather. 100. Good Works are a Rock, that will support their Credit; but III Ones a Sandy Foundation that Yields to Calamities. loi. And truly they ought to expect no Pity in their Fall, that when in Power had no Bowels for the Unhappy. 102. The worst of Distempers; always Craving and Thirsty, Rest- less and Hated: A perfect Delirium in the Mind: Insufferable in Success, and in Disappointments most Revengeful. 3& SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE OF PRAISE OR APPLAUSE 103. We are too apt to love Praise, but not to Deserve it. 104. But if we would Deserve it, we must love Virtue more than That. 105. As there is no Passion in us sooner moved, or more deceiv- able, so for that Reason there is none over which we ought to be more Watchful, whether we give or receive it : For if we give it, we must be sure to mean it, and measure it too. 106. If we are Penurious, it shows Emulation; if we exceed. Flat- tery. 107. Good Measure belongs to Good Actions; more looks Nau- seous, as well as Insincere; besides, 't is a Persecuting of the Merito- rious, who are out of Countenance to hear, what they deserve. 108. It is much easier for him to merit Applause, than hear of it: And he never doubts himself more, or the Person that gives it, than when he hears so much of it. 109. But to say true, there needs not many Cautions on this Hand, since the World is rarely just enough to the Deserving. no. However, we cannot be too Circumspect how we receive Praise: For if we contemplate our selves in a false Glass, we are sure to be mistaken about our Dues; and because we are too apt to be- lieve what is Pleasing, rather than what is True, we may be too easily swell'd, beyond our just Proportion, by the Windy Compli- ments of Men. 111. Make ever therefore Allowances for what is said on such Occasions, or thou Exposest, as well as Deceivest thy self. 112. For an Over-value of our selves, gives us but a dangerous Security in many Respects. 113. We expect more than belongs to us; take all that's given us though never meant us; and fall out with those that are not as full of us as we are of our selves. 114. In short, 't is a Passion that abuses our Judgment, and makes us both Unsafe and Ridiculous. 115. Be not fond therefore of Praise, but seek Virtue that leads to it. 116. And yet no more lessen or dissemble thy Merit, than over- rate it: For tho' Humility be a Virtue, an affected one is none. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 383 OF CONDUCT IN SPEECH 117. Enquire often, but Judge rarely, and thou wilt not often be mistaken. 118. It is safer to Learn, than teach; and who conceals his Opinion, has nothing to Answer for. 119. Vanity or Resentment often engage us, and 't is two to one but we come ofl Losers; for one shews a Want of Judgment and Humility, as the other does of Temper and Discretion. 120. Not that I admire the Reserved; for they are next to Unnatu- ral that are not Communicable. But if Reservedness be at any Time a Virtue, 't is in Throngs or ill Company. 121. Beware also of Affectation in Speech; it often wrongs Matter, and ever shows a blind Side. 122. Speak properly, and in as few Words as you can, but always plainly; for the End of Speech is not Ostentation, but to be under- stood. 123. They that affect Words more than Matter, will dry up that little they have. 124. Sense never fails to give them that have it. Words enough to make them understood. 125. But it too often happens in some Conversations, as in Apothe- cary-Shops, that those Pots that are Empty, or have Things of Small Value in them, are as gaudily Dress'd and Flourish'd, as those that are full of precious Drugs. 126. This Laboring of slight Matter with flourish'd Turns of Ex- pression, is fulsome, and worse than the Modern Imitation of Tap- estry, and East-India Goods, in Stuffs and Linnens. In short, 't is but Taudry Talk, and next to very Trash. UNION OF FRIENDS 127. They that love beyond the World, cannot be separated by it. 128. Death cannot kill, what never dies. 129. Nor can Spirits ever be divided that love and live in the same Divine Principle; the Root and Record of their Friendship. 130. If Absence be not death, neither is theirs. 131. Death is but Crossing the World, as Friends do the Seas; They live in one another still. 384 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 132. For they must needs be present, that love and live in that which is Omnipresent. 133. In this Divine Glass, they see Face to Face; and their Con- verse is Free, as well as Pure. 134. This is the Comfort of Friends, that though they may be said to Die, yet their Friendship and Society are, in the best Sense, ever present, because Immortal. OF BEING EASY IN LIVING 135. 'T is a Happiness to be delivered from a Curious Mind, as well as from a Dainty Palate. 136. For it is not only a Troublesome but Slavish Thing to be Nice. 137. They narrow their own Freedom and Comforts, that make so much requisite to enjoy them. 138. To be Easy in Living, is much of the Pleasure of Life: But Difficult Tempers will always want it. 139. A Careless and Homely Breeding is therefore preferable to one Nice and Delicate. 140. And he that is taught to live upon a little, owes more to his Father's Wisdom, than he that has a great deal left him, does to his Father's Care. 141. Children can't well be too hardly Bred: For besides that it fits them to bear the Roughest Providences, it is more Masculine, Active and Healthy. 142. Nay, 't is certain, that Liberty of the Mind is mightily pre- served by it : For so 't is served, instead of being a Servant, indeed a Slave to sensual Delicacies. 143. As Nature is soon answered, so are such satisfied. 144. The Memory of the Ancients is hardly in any Thing more to be celebrated, than in a Strict and Useful Institution of Youth. 145. By Labor they prevented Luxury in their young People, till Wisdom and Philosophy had taught them to Resist and Despise it. 146. It must be therefore a gross Fault to strive so hard for the Pleasure of our Bodies, and be so insensible and careless of the Free- dom of our Souls. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 385 OF man's inconsiderateness and partiality 147. 'T is very observable, if our Civil Rights are invaded or in- croach'd upon, we are mightily touch'd, and fill every Place with our Resentment and Complaint; while we suffer our selves, our Better and Nobler Selves, to be the Property and Vassals of Sin, the worst of Invaders. 148. In vain do we expect to be delivered from such Troubles, till we are delivered from the Cause of them, our Disobedience to God. 149. When he has his Dues from us, it will be time enough for Him to give us ours out of one another. 150. 'T is our great Happiness, if we could understand it, that we meet with such Checks in the Career of our worldly Enjoyments, lest we should Forget the Giver, adore the Gift, and terminate our Felicity here, which is not Man's ultimate Bliss. 151. Our Losses are often made Judgments by our Guilt, and Mercies by our Repentance. 152. Besides, it argues great Folly in Men to let their Satisfaction exceed the true Value of any Temporal Matter: For Disappoint- ments are not always to be measured by the Loss of the Thing, but the Over-value we put upon it. 15-. And thus Men improve their own Miseries, for want of an Equal and Just Estimate of what they Enjoy or Lose. 154. There lies a Proviso upon every Thing in this World, and we must observe it at our own Peril, viz. To love God above all, and Act for Judgment, the Last I mean. OF THE RULE OF JUDGING 155. In all Things Reason should prevail: 'T is quite another Thing to be stiff than steady in an Opinion. 156. This May be Reasonable, but that is ever Wilful. 157. In such Cases it always happens, that the clearer the Argu- ment, the greater the Obstinacy, where the Design is not to be con- vinced. 158. This is to value Humor more than Truth, and prefer a sullen Pride to a reasonable Submission. 159. 'T is the Glory of a Man to vail to Truth; as it is the Mark of a good Nature to be Easily entreated. 386 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 160. Beasts Act by Sense, Man should by Reason; else he is a greater Beast than ever God made: And the Proverb is verified, The Corruption of the best Things is the worst and most offensive. 161. A reasonable Opinion must ever be in Danger, where Reason is not Judge. 162. Though there is a Regard due to Education, and the Tradi- tion of our Fathers, Truth will ever deserve, as well as claim the Preference. 163. If like Theophilus and Timothy, we have been brought up in the Knowledge of the best Things, 't is our Advantage: But neither they nor we lose by trying their Truth; for so we learn their, as well as its intrinsick Worth. 164. Truth never lost Ground by Enquiry, because she is most of all Reasonable. 165. Nor can that need another Authority, that is Self-evident. 166. If my own Reason be on the Side of a Principle, with what can I Dispute or withstand it.' 167. And if Men would once consider one another reasonably, they would either reconcile their Differences, or more Amicably maintain them. 168. Let That therefore be the Standard, that has most to say for itself; Tho' of that let every Man be Judge for himself. 169. Reason, like the Sun, is Common to All; And 't is for want of examining all by the same Light and Measure, that we are not all of the same Mind: For all have it to that End, though all do not use it So. OF FORMALrrV 170. Form is Good, but not Formality. 171. In the Use of the best of Forms there is too much of that I fear. 172. 'T is absolutely necessary, that this Distinction should go along with People in their Devotion; for too many are apter to rest upon What they do, than How they do their Duty. 173. If it were considered, that it is the Frame of the Mind that gives our Performances Acceptance, we would lay more Stress on our Inward Preparation than our Outward Action. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 387 OF THE MEAN NOTION WE HAVE OF COD 174. Nothing more shews the low Condition Man is fallen into, than the unsuitable Notion we must have of God, by the Ways we take to please him. 175. As if it availed any Thing to him that we performed so many Ceremonies and external Forms of Devotion, who never meant more by them, than to try our Obedience, and, through them, to shew us something more Excellent and Durable beyond them. 176. Doing, while we are Undoing, is good for nothing. 177. Of what Benefit is it to say our Prayers regularly, go to Church, receive the Sacraments, and may be go to Confessions too; ay. Feast the Priest, and give Alms to the Poor, and yet Lye, Swear, Curse, be Drunk, Covetous, Unclean, Proud, Revengeful, Vain and Idle at the same Time ? 178. Can one excuse or ballance the other? Or will God think himself well served, where his Law is Violated? Or well used, where there is so much more Shew than Substance? 179. 'T is a most dangerous Error for a Man to think to excuse himself in the Breach of a Moral Duty, by a Formal Performance of Positive Worship; and less when of Human Invention. 180. Our Blessed Saviour most rightly and clearly distinguished and determined this Case, when he told the Jews, that they were his Mother, his Brethren and Sisters, who did the Will of his Father. OF THE BENEFIT OF JUSTICE 181. Justice is a great Sup^wrt of Society, because an Insurance to all Men of their Property: This violated, there 's no Security, which throws all into Confusion to recover it. 182. An Honest Man is a fast Pledge in Dealing. A Man is Sure to have it if it be to be had. 183. Many are so, merely of Necessity: Others not so only for the same Reason: But such an honest Man is not to be thanked, and such a dishonest Man is to be pity'd. 184. But he that is dishonest for Gain, is next to a Robber, and to be punish'd for Example. 185. And indeed there are few Dealers, but what are Faulty, which makes Trade Difficult, and a great Temptation to Men of Virtue. 388 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 186. 'T is not what they should, but what they can get: Faults or Decays must be concealed : Big Words given, where they are not de- served, and the Ignorance or Necessity of the Buyer imposed upon for unjust Profit. 187. These are the Men that keep their Words for their own Ends, and are only Just for Fear of the Magistrate. 1 88. A Politick rather than a Moral Honesty; a constrained, not a chosen Justice: According to the Proverb, Patience per Force, and thank you for nothing. 189. But of all Justice, that is the greatest, that passes under the Name of Law. A Cut-Purse in Westminster-Hall exceeds; for that advances Injustice to Oppression, where Law is alledged for that which it should punish. OF JEALOUSY 190. The Jealous are Troublesome to others, but a Torment to themselves. 191. Jealousy is a kind of Civil War in the Soul, where Judgment and Imagination are at perpetual Jars. 192. This Civil Dissension in the Mind, like that of the Body Politick, commits great Disorders, and lays all waste. 193. Nothing stands safe in its Way: Nature, Interest, Religion, must Yield to its Fury. 194. It violates Contracts, Dissolves Society, Breaks Wedlock, Betrays Friends and Neighbors. No Body is Good, and every one is either doing or designing them a Mischief. 195. It has a Venome that more or less rankles wherever it bites: And as it reports Fancies for Facts, so it disturbs its own House as often as other Folks. 196. Its Rise is Guilt or III Nature, and by Reflection thinks its own Faults to be other Men's; as he that 's overrun with the Jaun- dice takes others to be Yellow. 197. A Jealous Man only sees his own Spectrum, when he looks upon other Men, and gives his Character in theirs. OF STATE 198. I love Service, but not State; One is Useful, the other is Superfluous. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 389 199. The Trouble of this, as well as Charge, is Real; but the Advantage only Imaginary. 200. Besides, it helps to set us up above our selves, and Augments our Temptation to Disorder. 201. The Least Thing out of Joint, or omitted, make us uneasy: and we are ready to think our selves ill served, about that which is of no real Service at all: Or so much better than other Men, as we have the Means of greater State. 202. But this is all for want of Wisdom, which carries the truest and most forceable State along with it. 203. He that makes not himself Cheap by indiscreet Conversa- tion, puts Value enough upon himself every where. 204. The other is rather Pageantry than State. OF A GOOD SERVANT 205. A True, and a Good Servant, are the same Thing. 206. But no Servant is True to his Master, that Defrauds him. 207. Now there are many Ways of Defrauding a Master, as, of Time, Care, Pains, Respect, and Reputation, as well as Money. 208. He that Neglects his Work, Robs his Master, since he is Fed and Paid as if he did his Best; and he that is not as Diligent in the Absence, as in the Presence of his Master, cannot be a true Servant. 209. Nor is he a true Servant, that buys dear to share in the Profit with the Seller. 210. Nor yet he that tells Tales without Doors; or deals basely in his Master's Name with other People; or Connives at others Loyter- ings, Wasteings, or dishonorable Reflections. 211. So that a true Servant is Diligent, Secret, and Respectful: More Tender of his Master's Honor and Interest, than of his own Profit. 212. Such a Servant deserves well, and if Modest under his Merit, should liberally feel it at his Master's Hand. OF AN IMMEDIATE PURSUIT OF THE WORLD 213. It shews a Depraved State of Mind, to Cark and Care for that which one does not need. 390 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 214. Some are as eager to be Rich, as ever they were to Live: For Superfluity, as for Subsistance. 215. But that Plenty should augment Covetousness, is a Perver- sion of Providence; and yet the Generality are the worse for their Riches. 216. But it is strange, that Old Men should excel: For generally Money lies nearest them that are nearest their Graves; As if they would augment their Love in Proportion to the little Time they have left to enjoy it: And yet their Pleasure is without Enjoyment, since none enjoy what they do not use. 217. So that instead of learning to leave their greath Wealth easily, they hold the Faster, because they must leave it: So Sordid is the Temper of some Men. 218. Where Charity keeps Pace with Gain, Industry is blessed: But to slave to get, and keep it Sordidly, is a Sin against Providence, a Vice in Government, and an Injury to their Neighbors. 219. Such are they as spend not one Fifth of their Income, and, it may be, give not one Tenth of what they spend to the Needy. 220. This is the worst Sort of Idolatry, because there can be no Religion in it, nor Ignorance pleaded in Excuse of it; and that it wrongs other Folks that ought to have a Share therein. OF THE INTEREST OF THE PUBLICK IN OUR ESTATES 221. Hardly any Thing is given us for our Selves, but the PubUck may claim a Share with us. But of all we call ours, we are most ac- countable to God and the Publick for our Estates: In this we are but Stewards, and to Hord up all to ourselves is great Injustice as well as Ingratitude. 222. If all Men were so far Tenants to the Publick, that the Super- fluities of Gain and Expence were applied to the Exigencies thereof, it would put an End to Taxes, leave never a Beggar, and make the greatest Bank for National Trade in Europe. 223. It is a Judgment upon us, as well as Weakness, tho' we wont't see it, to begin at the wrong End. 224. If the Taxes we give are not to maintain Pride, I am sure there would be less, if Pride were made a Tax to the Government. 225. I confess I have wondered that so many Lawful and Useful MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 39 1 Things are excised by Laws, and Pride left to Reign Free over them and the PubUck. 226. But since People are more afraid of the Laws of Man than of God, because their Punishment seems to be nearest: I know not how magistrates can be excused in their suffering such Excess with Impunity. 227. Our Noble English Patriarchs as well as Patriots, were so sensible of this Evil, that they made several excellent Laws, com- monly called Sumptuary, to Forbid, at least Limit the Pride of the People; which because the Execution of them would be our Interest and Honor, their Neglect must be our just Reproach and Loss. 228. 'T is but Reasonable that the Punishment of Pride and Excess should help to support the Government, since it must otherwise inevitably be ruined by them. 229. But some say. It ruins Trade, and will make the Poor Bur- thensome to the PubHck; But if such Trade in Consequence ruins the Kingdom, is it not Time to ruin that Trade? Is Moderation no Part of our Duty, and Temperance an Enemy to Government ? 230. He is a Judas that will get Money by any Thing. 231. To wink at a Trade that effeminates the People, and invades the Ancient Discipline of the Kingdom, is a Crime Capital, and to be severely punish'd instead of being excused by the Magistrate. 232. Is there no better Employment for the Poor than Luxury.? Miserable Nation! 233. What did they before they fell into these forbidden Methods.? Is there not Land enough in England to Cultivate, and more and better Manufactures to be Made ? 234. Have we no Room for them in our Plantations, about Things that may augment Trade, without Luxury.? 235. In short, let Pride pay, and Excess be well Excised: And if that will Cure the People, it will help to Keep the Kingdom. THE VAIN MAN 236. But a Vain Man is a Nauseous Creature: He is so full of himself that he has no Room for any Thing else, be it never so Good or Deserving. 237. 'T is I at every turn that does this, or can do that. And as he 392 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE abounds in his Comparisons, so he is sure to give himself the better of every Body else; according to the Proverb, All his Geese are Swans. 238. They are certainly to be pity'd that can be so much mistaken at Home. 239. And yet I have sometimes thought that such People are in a sort Happy, that nothing can put out of Countenance with them- selves, though they neither have nor merit other Peoples. 240. But at the same Time one would wonder they should not feel the Blows they give themselves, or get from others, for this in- tolerable and ridiculous Temper; nor shew any Concern at that which makes others blush for, as well as at them, (viz.) their unreasonable Assurance. 241. To be a Man's own Fool is bad enough, but the Vain Man is Every Body's. 242. This silly Disposition comes of a Mixture of Ignorance, Con- fidence, and Pride; and as there is more or less of the last, so it is more or less offensive or Entertaining. 243. And yet perhaps the worst Part of this Vanity is it's Unteach- ableness. Tell it any Thing, and it has known it long ago; and out- runs Information and Instruction, or else proudly puffs at it. 244. Whereas the greatest Understandings doubt most, are readiest to learn, and least pleas'd with themselves; this, with no Body else. 245. For tho' they stand on higher Ground, and so see farther than their Neighbors, they are yet humbled by their Prospect, since it shews them something, so much higher and above their Reach. 246. And truly then it is, that Sense shines with the greatest Beauty when it is set in Humility. 247. An humble able Man is a Jewel worth a Kingdom: It is often saved by him, as Solomon's Poor Wise Man did the City. 248. May we have more of them, or less Need of them. THE CONFORMIST 249. It is reasonable to concur where Conscience does not forbid a Compliance; for Conformity is at least a Civil Virtue. 250. But we should only press it in Necessaries, the rest may prove a Snare and Temptation to break Society. 251. But above all, it is a Weakness in Religion and Government, MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 393 where it is carried to Things of an Indifferent Nature, since besides that it makes Way for Scruples, Liberty is always the Price of it. 252. Such Conformists have little to boast of, and therefore the less Reason to Reproach others that have more Latitude. 253. And yet the Latitudinarian that I love, is one that is only so in Charity; for the Freedom I recommend is no Scepticism in Judg- ment, and much less so in Practice. THE OBLIGATIONS OF GREAT MEN TO ALMIGHTY GOD 254. It seems but reasonable, that those whom God has Distin- guish 'd from others; by his Goodness, should distinguish themselves to him by their Gratitude. 255. For tho' he has made of One Blood all Nations, he has not rang'd or dignified them upon the Level, but in a sort of Subordina- tion and Dependency. 256. If we look upwards, we find it in the Heavens, where the Planets have their several Degrees of Glory, and so the other Stars of Magnitude and Lustre. 257. If we look upon the Earth, we see it among the Trees of the Wood, from the Cedar to the Bramble; in the Waters among the Fish, from the Leviathan to the Sprat; in the Air among the Birds, from the Eagle to the Sparrow; among the Beasts, from the Lyon to the Cat; and among Mankind it self, from the King to the Scav- enger. 258. Our Great Men, doubtless, were designed by the Wise Framer of the World for our Religious, Moral and Politick Planets; for Lights and Directions to the lower Ranks of the numerous Com- pany of their own Kind, both in Precepts and Examples; and they are well paid for their Pains too, who have the Honor and Service of their fellow Creatures, and the Marrow and Fat of the Earth for their Share. 259. But is it not a most unaccountable Folly, that Men should be Proud of the Providences that should Humble them? Or think the Better of themselves, instead of Him that raised them so much above the Level; or in being so in their Lives, in Return of his Extraordi- nary Favors. 260. But it is but too near a-kin to us, to think no further than our 394 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE selves, either in the Acquisition, or Use of our Weahh and Greatness; when, alas, they are the Preferments of Heaven, to try our Wisdom, Bounty and Gratitude. 261. 'T is a dangerous Perversion of the End of Providence to Con- sume the Time, Power and Wealth he has given us above other Men, to gratify our Sordid Passions, instead of playing the good Stewards, to the Honor of our great Benefactor, and the Good of our Fellow-Creatures. 262. But it is an Injustice too; since those Higher Ranks of Men are but the Trustees of Heaven for the Benefit of lesser Mortals, who, as Minors, are intituled to all their Care and Provision. 263. For though God has dignified some Men above their Breth- ren, it never was to serve their Pleasures, but that they might take Pleasure to serve the Publick. 264. For this Cause doubtless it was, that they were raised above Necessity or any Trouble to Live, that they might have more Time and Ability to Care for Others: And 't is certain, where that Use is not made of the Bounties of Providence, they are Imbezzell'd and Wasted. 265. It has often struck me with a serious Reflection, when I have observed the great Inequality of the World; that one Man should have such Numbers of his fellow Creatures to Wait upon him, who have Souls to be saved as well as he; and this not for Business, but State. Certainly a poor Employment of his Money, and a worse of their Time. 266. But that any one Man should make Work for so many; or rather keep them from Work, to make up a Train, has a Levity and Luxury in it very reprovable, both in Religion and Government. 267. But even in allowable Services it has an humbling Considera- tion, and what should raise the Thankfulness of the Great Men to him that has so much better'd their Circumstances, and Moderated the Use of their Dominion over those of their own Kind. 268. When the poor Indians hear us call any of our Family by the Name of Servants, they cry out. What, call Brethren Servants! We call our Dogs Servants, but never Men. The Moral certainly can do us no Harm, but may Instruct us to abate our Height, and narrow our State and Attendance. MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 395 269. And what has been said of their Excess, may in some meas- ure be apply 'd to other Branches of Luxury, that set ill Examples to the lesser World, and Rob the Needy of their Pensions. 270. GOD Almighty Touch the Hearts of our Grandees with a Sense of his Distinguish'd Goodness, and that true End of it; that they may better distinguish themselves in their Conduct, to the Glory of Him that has thus liberally Preferr'd them, and the BeneEt of their fellow Creatures. OF REFINING UPON OTHER MEn's ACTIONS OR INTERESTS 271. This seems to be the Master-Piece of our Politicians; But no Body shoots more at Random, than those Refiners. 272. A perfect Lottery, and meer Hap-Hazard. Since the true Spring of the Actions of Men is as Invisible as their Hearts; and so are their Thoughts too of their several Interests. 273. He that judges of other Men by himself, does not always hit the Mark, because all Men have not the same Capacity, nor Passions in Interest. 274. If an able Man refines upon the Proceedings of an ordinary Capacity, according to his own, he must ever miss it : But much more the ordinary Man, when he shall pretend to speculate the Motives to the able Man's Actions: For the Able Man deceives himself by making t'other wiser than he is in the Reason of his Conduct; and the ordinary Man makes himself so, in presuming to judge of the Reasons of the Abler Man's Actions. 275. 'T is in short a Wood, a Maze, and of nothing are we more uncertain, nor in anything do we oftener befool ourselves. 276. The Mischiefs are many that follow this Humor, and danger- ous: For Men Misguide themselves, act upon false Measures, and meet frequently with mischievous Disappointments. 277. It excludes all Confidence in Commerce; allows of no such Thing as a Principle in Practice; supposes every Man to act upon other Reasons than what app)ears, and that there is no such Thing as a Straightness or Sincerity among Mankind: A Trick instead of Truth. 278. Neither, allowing Nature or Religion; but some Worldly 396 SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE Fetch or Advantage: The true, the hidden Motive to all Men to act or do. 279. 'T is hard to express its Uncharitableness, as well as Uncer- tainty; and has more of Vanity than Benefit in it. 280. This Foolish Quality gives a large Field, but let what I have said serve for this Time. OF CHARITY 281. Charity has various Senses, but is Excellent in all of them. 282. It imports; first, the Commiseration of the Poor, and Un- happy of Mankind, and extends an Helping-Hand to mend their Condition. 283. They that feel nothing of this, are at best not above half of Kin to Human Race; since they must have no Bowels, which makes such an Essential Part thereof, who have no more Nature. 284. A Man, and yet not have the Feeling of the Wants or Needs of his own Flesh and Blood! A Monster rather! And may he never be sufler'd to propagate such an unnatural Stock in the World. 285. Such an Uncharitableness spoils the best Gains, and two to one but it entails a Curse upon the Possessors. 286. Nor can we expect to be heard of God in our Prayers, that turn the deaf Ear to the Petitions of the Distressed amongst our fellow Creatures. 287. God sends the Poor to try us, as well as he tries them by being such: And he that refuses them a little out of the great deal that God has given him, Lays up Poverty in Store for his own Posterity. 288. I will not say these Works are Meritorious, but dare say they are Acceptable, and go not without their Reward: Tho' to Humble us in our Fulness and Liberality too, we only Give but what is given us to Give as well as use; for if we are not our own, less is that so which God has intrusted us with. 289. Next, Charity makes the best Construction of Things and Persons, and is so far from being an evil Spy, a Backbiter, or a Detractor, that it excuses Weakness, extenuates Miscarriages, makes the best of every Thing; forgives every Body, serves All, and hopes to the End. 290. It moderates Extreams, is always for Expediences, labors to accommodate Differences, and had rather suffer than Revenge: And MORE FRUITS OF SOLITUDE 397 SO far from Exacting the utmost Farthing, that it had rather lose than seek her Own Violently. 291. As it acts Freely, so, Zealously too; but 't is always to do Good, for it hurts no Body. 292. An Universal Remedy against Discord, and an Holy Cement for Mankind. 293. And lastly, 'T is Love to God and the Brethren, which raises the Soul above all worldly Considerations; and, as it gives a Taste of Heaven upon Earth, so 't is Heaven in the Fulness of it hereafter to the truly Charitable here. 294. This is the Noblest Sense Charity has, after which all should press, as that more Excellent Way. 295. Nay, most Excellent; for as Faith, Hope and Charity were the more Excellent Way that Great Apostle discovered to the Christians, (too apt to stick in Outward Gifts and Church Per- formances) so of that better Way he preferred Charity as the best Part, because it would out-last the rest, and abide for ever. 296. Wherefore a Man can never be a true and good Christian without Charity, even in the lowest Sense of it: And yet he may have that Part thereof, and still be none of the Apostle's true Chris- tian, since he tells us. That tho' we should give all our Goods to the Poor, and want Charity (in her other and higher Senses) it would profit us nothing. 297. Nay, tho' we had All Tongues, All Knowledge, and even Gifts of Prophesy, and were Preachers to others; ay, and had Zeal enough to give our Bodies to be burned, yet if we wanted Charity, it would not avail us for Salvation. 298. It seems it was his (and indeed ought to be our) Unum Necessarium, or the One Thing Needful, which our Saviour attrib- uted to Mary in Preference to her Sister Martha, that seems not to have wanted the lesser Parts of Charity. 299. Would God this Divine Virtue were more implanted and diffused among Mankind, the Pretenders to Christianity especially, and we should certainly mind Piety more than Controversy, and Exercise Love and Compassion instead of Censuring and Perse- cuting one another in any Manner whatsoever. END OF PART II